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UNIVERSITY 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP 


Till  philosophers  are  rulers,  or  rulers  are  philosophers, 
there  will  be  no  end  to  the  ills  of  states  and  of  men 

PLATO 


BY 


^MORG, 


THOMAS  JY\MORGAN,  LL.D. 

a 

EX-UNITED  STATES  COMMISSIONER  OF  INDIAN  AFFAIRS;   MEMBER  OF  THE  NATIONAL 
COUNCIL  OF  EDUCATION  ;  AUTHOR  OF  "  STUDIES  IN  PEDAGOGY,"  ETC. 


NEW  YORK  •:•  CINCINNATI  •:•  CHICAGO 
AMERICAN    BOOK   COMPANY 


COPYRIGHT,  1895,  BY 
AMERICAN  BOOK  COMPANY. 


MORGAN'S  PATRIOTIC  CITIZENSHIP. 


PAGE 

INTRODUCTION 7 

PATRIOTISM   .        . 13 

THE  FLAG 35 

'I  in    DISCOVERY 51 

Tm.  COLONISTS 73 

TIIK  UFA oi. r TION ...  101 

TIIK   \ATM>\ ...  125 

TIIK  WAR  KOI;  TIIK  TNION 165 

TIIK  NEGROES 189 

CIVIL   LIHF.KTY 207 

KKI.KIIOIS   I.IHKRTY 237 

POPULATION  AND  IMMIGRATION 'J.V> 

C||  l/l.NSHIP .             .             .  271 

L.MSOK 301 

CAPITAL 315 

PERPETUITY  OF  TIIK  HKITHLIC 327 

CuNSIITrTloN    OK    TIIK     I'MTKI*    STATES 345 

l>l(    I.  A  RATION    OF    IXMKPKM  'I   N«   K 359 

INDEX  OF  Aumoi;>  c^t  OTKD       .......  363 


Great  Western  land,  whose  mighty  breast 
Between  two  oceans  finds  its  rest, 
Begirt  by  storms  on  either  side, 
And  washed  by  strong  Pacific  tide. 
The  knowledge  of  thy  wondrous  birth 
Gave  balance  to  the  rounded  earth  ; 
In  sea  of  darkness  thou  didst  stand, 
Now  first  in  light,  great  Western  land. 

In  thee  the  olive  and  the  vine 
Unite  with  hemlock  and  with  pine  ; 
In  purest  white  the  southern  rose 
Repeats  the  spotless  northern  snows. 
Around  thy  zone  a  belt  of  maize 
Rejoices  in  the  sun's  hot  rays ; 
And  all  that  Nature  could  command 
She  heaped  on  thee,  great  Western  land. 

Great  Western  land,  whose  touch  makes  free, 
Advance  to  perfect  liberty, 
Till  right  shall  make  thy  sov' reign  might, 
And  every  wrong  be  crushed  from  sight. 
Behold  thy  day,  thy  time  is  here ; 
Thy  people  great,  with  naught  to  fear. 
God  hold  thee  in  His  strong  right  hand, 
My  well  beloved  Western  land. 

—  CAROLINE  HAZARD 


INTRODUCTION. 


THE  object  of  this  book  is  to  stimulate  patriotism,  and  pro- 
mote  good  citizenship ;  this  purpose  dominates  the  entire  work, 
and  has  controlled  the  selection  and  arrangement  of  topics,  the 
admission  and  rejection  of  material,  and  the  method  of  treat- 
ment. It  should  be  judged  by  its  purpose,  and  if  it  is  adapted 
to  the  awakening  and  strengthening  of  a  deep  and  lasting  love 
of  country,  and  an  enthusiastic  devotion  to  American  institu- 
tions, it  has  accomplished  its  aim. 

The  golden  woof  of  the  volume  is  freedom,  —  freedom  of 
thought,  speech,  conscience,  worship,  action;  the  silver  warp 
is  loyalty,  —  loyalty  to  truth,  duty,  and  constituted  authority, 
—  and  into  the  web  is  woven,  in  outline,  many  a  picture  of 
thrilling  interest.  The  central  feature  of  our  national  life  is 
liberty,  regulated  by  law.  Liberty  and  law  are  complementary 
disks  of  the  full  sphere.  American  patriotism  is  the  love  of 
America  as  the  land  of  liberty,  and  the  home  of  the  brave  men 
and  women  who  consecrated  the  country  to  freedom,  not  only 
by  deeds  of  daring,  but  much  more  by  the  development  here 
of  those  forces  that  tend  to  conserve  and  perpetuate  freedom, 
—  the  home,  the  chun-li.  tin1  school,  a  free  press,  the  written 
constitution,  trial  by  jury,  an  independent  judiciary,  —  and  by 
retaining  the  sovereign  power  in  the  people,  and  giving  to 


8  INTRODUCTION. 

them  the  inalienable  right  of  free  suffrage.  Love  of  liberty 
is  the  life,  the  soul  that  embodies  and  perpetuates  itself  in 
institutions. 

The  method  of  this  book  is  simple ;  its  essential  feature 
being  a  catechism  of  about  one  hundred  and  forty  short,  direct 
questions,  with  as  many  concise,  comprehensive  answers,  in 
which  the  author  states  clearly  his  own  views  on  all  the  topics 
discussed.  This  form  of  conveying  instruction  is  as  old  as 
Socrates,  and  still  holds  its  place  so  firmly,  that  "modern 
methods  "  have  not  been  able  to  uproot  it. 

The  text  of  the  answers  is  followed  by  brief  citations  from 
a  wide  range  of  authorities,  ancient  and  modern,  but  chiefly 
American.  These  selections,  besides  giving  variety,  serve  to 
explain,  expand,  and  enforce  the  text,  as  well  as  to  awaken  in 
the  minds  of  the  pupils  a  desire  for  a  wider  acquaintance  with 
patriotic  literature.  This  the  teacher  is  expected  to  aid  by 
reference  to  familiar  patriotic  selections  found  in  many  school 
readers,  to  books  made  up  of  such  selections,  to  cyclopedic 
collections  of  American  literature,  to  the  collected  writings  of 
great  authors,  and  to  standard  historical  Avorks.  This  book 
may  help  to  point  the  way  to  deeper  sources. 

It  is  selective  and  necessarily  rejective  in  its  choice  of  topics 
and  material.  Such  topics  have  been  chosen  as  seemed  to 
have  a  direct  bearing  upon  the  central  theme,  —  patriotic  citi- 
zenship; and  they  have  been  treated,  not  exhaustively,  but 
suggestively,  so  as  to  contribute  towards  arousing  a  love  of 
country,  and  pointing  out  what  is  worthy  of  love,  and  why. 
It  deals  with  principles  rather  than  with  details,  with 
essentials  rather  than  with  incidentals:  it  is  an  outline  of 
political  philosophy.  Much  of  the  finest  literature  on  the 


INTRODUCTION.  9 

selected  topics  has  been  rejected,  partly  because  familiar  and 
accessible,  but  chiefly  for  lack  of  space.  The  author  has  in 
hand  a  volume  of  choice  matter  accumulated  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  this  work,  which  he  may  possibly  publish  at  no  dis- 
tant day. 

The  manual  is  designed  primarily  for  the  public  schools,  to 
be  used  in  the  upper  grammar  grades,  following  a  course  in 
United  States  history.  It  ought  not  to  be  a  difficult  task  for  a 
bright  boy  or  girl  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  years  of  age,  to  commit 
to  memory  the  catechetical  portion;  which  form,  memorized 
and  understood,  will  mold  the  thinking  ;md  reading  of  sub- 
sequent life,  and  be  forceful  in  the  formation  of  character. 

It  is  adapted  for  use  in  private  schools,  in  families,  in 
reading  circles,  and  while  prepared  especially  for  the  young, 
it  is  no  primer  for  babes,  but  presents  a  view  of  the  essen- 
tial features  of  our  Republic  found  n«»\\ -here  else  in  the  same 
•  •on i pass.  It  is  unique,  and  may  be  studied  protilably  by  any 
person,  native  or  foreign  born,  who  \vishes  to  know  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  flag,  and  to  understand  the  privileges  and  respon- 
sibilities of  American  citizenship. 

Patriotism,  to  be  fruitful,  must  be  intelligent:  it  must  com- 
prehend the  content  of  love  of  country,  must  know  the  full  sig- 
nificance of  the  words  "  privilege  "  and  "  responsibility  "  as  ap- 
plied to  citizenship.  How  shall  one  love  liberty,  who  does  not 
understand  the  meaning  of  the  word  ?  How  shall  he  become 
enthusiastic  over  the  free  schools,  who  knows  nothing  of  their 
purpose  and  their  work'.'  Why  should  he  be  willing  to  die 
for  the  Hag.  who  knows  nothing  of  its  history  or  its  signifi- 
cance? Why  should  In-  guard  the  ballot  box  with  his  life, 
who  does  not  comprehend  its  sacredness  ? 


10  INTRODUCTION. 

In  a  republic,  especially,  the  common  welfare  depends  upon 
the  character  and  action  of  the  individuals  who  make  up  the 
community,  particularly  upon  the  voters,  who  are  the  sover- 
eigns that  hold  its  destiny  in  their  hands.  If  the  masses  are 
selfish,  vicious,  or  simply  indifferent  to  the  public  welfare,  it 
must  necessarily  suffer;  but  if  the  people  are  patriotic,  and 
use  their  vast  powers  to  promote  the  highest  good  of  the 
state,  the  republic  will  prosper.  Liberty,  to  endure,  must  be 
enshrined  in  the  hearts  of  the  people. 

Patriotism  bears  its  most  abundant  harvest,  not  when  it 
animates  a  few  great  souls,  but  when  it  is  widely  diffused 
among  the  masses  of  the  people ;  not  when  it  is  confined  to  the 
senate  chamber  and  the  battlefield,  but  when  it  pervades  the 
family,  the  church,  and  the  school,  like  an  atmosphere,  carry- 
ing health,  vigor,  and  happiness  to  all,  and  stimulating  all  to 
good  works.  A  flag  should  float  from  every  schoolhouse,  and 
the  doctrines,  not  the  cant,  of  patriotism,  should  everywhere 
be  the  language  of  the  people. 

Patriotism,  although  a  natural  impulse,  needs  to  be  culti- 
vated: untrained,  it  may  be  but  a  sickly  plant,  or  worse,  a 
noxious  weed;  cultivated,  it  becomes  a  luxuriant  and  fruit- 
ful vine.  The  work  of  training  this  virtue  should  begin  in 
childhood ;  the  American  public  school  should  be  the  nursery 
of  American  patriotism.  The  vast  outlay  by  the  states  of 
money  for  the  schools,  —  aggregating  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  millions  of  dollars  annually,  —  can  be  defended  only 
on  the  ground  of  its  public  necessity  and  utility,  its  promo- 
tion of  the  public  weal.  Patriotism  is  the  source  of  public 
good,  and  hence  should  be  the  prime  object  of  public  school 
training. 


INTRODUCTION.  11 

At  no  period  in  our  national  history  has  there  been  a  more 
urgent  need  of  practical  training  in  patriotism  than  at  present. 
The  tide  of  patriotic  fervor  that  carried  us  triumphantly 
through  the  costly  struggle  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union 
has  spent  its  force :  a  new  generation  has  appeared  upon  the 
stage  of  action ;  millions  of  foreigners  have  come  to  make  their 
home  with  us,  who  know  little  or  nothing  about  our  institu- 
tions, and  whose  natural  patriotism  inclines  their  hearts  to  the 
old  country ;  even  their  children  own  a  divided  allegiance  until 
taught  to  love  America.  To  train  these  millions  of  new  citi- 
zens to  appreciate  the  meaning  of  patriotism  is  a  duty  and  a 
privilege.  " Eternal  vigilance  is  the  price  of  liberty." 

The  book  is  the  outgrowth  of  more  than  thirty  years  of 
public  participation  in  military,  educational,  and  civil  affairs, 
and  of  careful  study  of  the  great  living  questions  of  the  day. 
Tin-  author  has  had  the  help  of  many  sagacious  friends  and 
wise  critics,  has  given  it  his  best  thought,  and  hopes  that  he 
h;is  contributed  something  of  value  to  the  stability  of  the 
Kepublic.  He  now  commits  it  to  the  ordeal  of  use,  realizing 
the  force  of  Aristotle's  quaint  suggestion  that  "  it  is  not  the 

cook  but  the  guest  who  judges  the  banquet." 

T.  J.  M. 

NKW  YORK,  1895. 

The  selections  from  Emerson,  Lowell,  Whittier,  Holmes, 
Longfellow,  Fiske,  and  Bryant  are  used  by  permission  of  and 
arrangement  with  Messrs.  Houghton,  Minim  and  Company 
and  Messrs.  D.  Appleton  and  Company. 


IVBI 
V  &*  *. 


PATRIOTISM 


NIAGARA   FALLS. 


Our  country,  'tis  a  glorious  land, 

With  broad  arms  stretched  from  shore  to  shore ; 

The  proud  Pacific  chafes  her  strand, 

She  hears  the  dark  Atlantic's  roar; 

And,  nurtured  on  her  ample  breast, 

How  many  a  goodly  prospect  lies 

In  Nature's  wildest  grandeur  drest, 

Enameled  with  her  loveliest  dyes  ! 

—  WILLIAM  J.  PEABODY. 


PATRIOTISM. 


ss  Patriotism? 
Patriotism  is  love  of  one's  country. 

Such  is  the  patriot's  boast,  where'er  we  roam,— 
His  first,  best  country  ever  is  at  home. 

—  Oliver  Goldsmith. 

I  do  love 

My  country's  good,  with  a  respect  more  tender, 
More  holy,  and  profound,  than  mine  own  life. 

—  William  Shakxpeare. 

Patriotism  is  the  passion  which  aims  to  serve  one's  country, 
either  in  defending  it  from  invasion,  or  protecting  its  rights 
ami  maintaining  its  laws  and  institutions  in  vigor  and  purity; 
it  is  characteristic  of  a  good  citizen,  the  noblest  passion  that 
animates  man  in  the  character  of  a  citizen.  —  Noah  Webster. 

It  is  the  love  of  the  people,  it  is  their  attachment  to  their 
government  from  the  sense  of  the  deep  stake  they  have  in 
such  a  glorious  institution,  which  gives  you  your  army  and 
your  navy,  and  infuses  into  both  that  liberal  obedience  with- 
out which  your  army  would  be  a  base  rabble  and  your  navy 
nothing  but  rotten  timber.  — Edmund  Burke. 

That  patriotism  which,  catching  its  inspiration  from  on 
high,  and  leaving  at  an  immeasurable  distance  below  all 

15 


16  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

lesser,  grovelling,  personal  interests  and  feelings,  animates  and 
prompts  to  deeds  of  self-sacrifice,  of  valor,  of  devotion,  and 
of  death  itself, — that  is  public  virtue;  that  is  the  noblest,  the 
sublimest  of  all  public  virtues  !  Personal  or  private  cour- 
age is  totally  distinct  from  that  higher  and  nobler  courage 
which  prompts  the  patriot  to  offer  himself  a  voluntary  sacri- 
fice to  his  country's  good.  —  Henry  Clay. 

Analyze  the  patriotism  which  was  the  mighty  force  that 
moved  our  armies  to  the  front.  It  was  a  patriotism  which 
was  not  a  mere  instinct,  but  an  experience ;  not  a  mere  sen- 
timent, but  a  conviction;  not  a  mere  impulse,  but  a  deter- 
mination; not  a  mere  passion,  but  a  principle:  and  yet  an 
experience  with  the  imperious  urgency  of  instinct,  a  conviction 
with  the  ruddy  glow  of  sentiment,  a  determination  with  the 
ardent  spontaneity  of  impulse,  and  a  principle  with  the  white 
heat  of  passion ;  a  patriotism  rooted  in  right  and  grounded  in 
justice,  obedient  to  duty  and  consecrated  to  political  equality, 
loyal  to  liberty  and  devoted  to  country,  hallowed  by  religion 
and  blessed  of  God.  —  Samuel  Fallows. 


Why  do  we  love  our  native  land  ? 
It  is  natural  for  us  to  do  so;   even  many  of  the 
lower  animals  have  a  strong  attachment  to  the  place 
of  their  birth :    that  which  is   an  instinct  in  them 
becomes  an  affection  in  man. 

They  love  their  land  because  it  is  their  own, 

And  scorn  to  give  aught  other  reason  why ; 
Would  shake  hands  with  a  king  upon  his  throne, 
And  think  it  kindness  to  his  majesty. 

—  Fitz-Greene  Halleck. 


PATRIOTISM.  17 

We  incline  by  a  natural  sentiment  to  the  spot  where  we 
were  born,  to  the  fields  which  witnessed  the  sports  of  child- 
hood, to  the  seat  of  youthful  studies,  and  to  the  institutions 
under  which  we  have  been  trained.  The  finger  of  God  writes 
in  indelible  colors  all  these  things  upon  the  heart  of  man,  so 
that  in  the  dread  extremities  of  death  he  reverts  in  fondness 
to  early  associations,  and  longs  for  a  draught  of  cold  water 
from  the  bucket  in  his  father's  well.  This  sentiment  is  inde- 
pendent of  reflection,  for  it  begins  before  reflection,  grows  with 
our  growth,  and  strengthens  with  our  strength. 

Sumner. 


To  love  one's  country,  one's  place  of  birth,  is  universal  and 
natural,  and  actually  seems  intensified  in  the  inverse  ratio  of 
the  advantages  of  location,  in  n  common-sense  view.  The 
natives  of  Scotland  and  Switzerland  are  famous  for  their  love 
of  birthplace,  although  in  either  country  it  calls  for  a  life 
struggle  to  eke  out  of  earth  enough  to  keep  body  and  soul 
together.  —  William  T.  Sherm<i>i. 

There's  a  magical  tie  to  the  land  of  our  home, 

Which  the  heart  cannot  break,  though  the  footsteps  may  roam; 

lie  that  laml  where  it  may,  at  the  Line  or  the  Pole, 

It,  still  holds  the  magnet  that  draws  back  the  soul. 

Tis  loved  by  the  freeman,  'tis  loved  by  the  slave; 

Tis  dear  to  the  coward,  more  dear  to  the  brave! 

Ask  of  any  the  spot  they  like  best  on  earth, 

And  they'll  answer  with  pride,  "The  land  of  my  birth." 

—  Eliza  Cook. 

If  the  Norwegian  boasts  of  his  home  of  rocks  and  the  Sibe- 

rian is  happy  in  his  land  of   perpetual  snow,  'if  the  Roman 

thought  the  muddy  Tiber  was  the  favored  river  of  heaven  and 

the  Chinese   pities  everybody  born  out  of  the  Flowery  King- 

r.vr.  CIT.  —  2 


18  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

dom,  shall  not  we,  in  this  land  of  glorious  liberty,  have  some 
thought  and  love  for  country  ?  —  Wendell  Phillips. 

Patriotism  is  not  only  a  legitimate  sentiment,  but  a  duty. 
There  are  countless  reasons  why,  as  Americans,  we  should  love 
our  native  land.  We  may  feel  no  scruples  as  Christians  in 
welcoming  and  nourishing  a  peculiar  affection  for  its  winds 
and  soil,  its  coast  and  hills,  its  memories  and  its  flag.  We 
cannot  more  efficiently  labor  for  the  good  of  all  men  than  by 
pledging  heart,  brain,  and  hands  to  the  service  of  keeping  our 
country  true  to  its  mission,  obedient  to  its  idea.  Our  patriotism 
must  draw  its  nutriment  and  derive  its  impulse  from  knowledge 
and  love  of  the  ideal  America,  as  yet  but  partially  reflected  in 
our  institutions,  or  in  the  general  mind  of  the  Republic.  Thus 
quickened  it  will  be  both  pure  and  practical. 

—  T.  Starr  King. 


Is  Patriotism  merely  a  personal,  local  attachment 
to  ones  home? 

No,  love  of  home  in  its  narrower  sense  is  only 
the  beginning  of  Patriotism ;  the  sentiment  extends 
so  as  to  embrace  the  community,  town,  state,  coun- 
try. The  more  intelligent  one  is,  the  broader  is  his 
Patriotism. 

Patriotism  is  ever  united  with  humanity  and  compassion. 
The  noble  affection  which  impels  us  to  sacrifice  everything 
dear,  even-  life  itself,  to  our  country,  involves  in  it  a  common 
sympathy  and  tenderness  for  every  citizen,  and  must  ever  have 
a  particular  feeling  for  one  who  suffers  in  a  public  cause. 

—  John  Hancock. 


PATRIOTISM.  19 

To  love  one's  country  has  ever  been  considered  honorable ; 
and  under  the  influence  of  this  noble  passion  every  social 
virtue  is  cultivated,  freedom  prevails  through  the  whole,  and 
the  public  good  is  the  object  of  every  one's  concern. 

—  Jonathan  Mason. 

The  sentiment  of  patriotism  is  not  merely  associated  with 
the  clods  of  the  valley  which  gave  us  birth.  It  is  complicated 
of  the  recollections  of  the  great  men  our  country  has  produced ; 
of  their  heroic  and  beneficent  actions ;  of  affection  for  its  insti- 
tutions, its  manners,  its  fame  in  arts  and  in  arms.  This  senti- 
ment must  be  cherished  and  invigorated  by  associating  with  it 
an  enlightened  love  of  liberty,  a  taste  for  knowledge,  and  an 
ardent  enthusiasm  for  those  arts  which  lend  to  human  exist- 
ence its  most  refined  enjoyments.  — Henry  Wheaton. 

Is  patriotism  a  narrow  affection  for  the  spot  where  a  man 
was  born  ?  Are  the  very  clods  where  we  tread  entitled  to  this 
ardent  preference  because  they  are  greener  ?  No,  this  is  not 
the  character  of  the  virtue,  and  it  soars  higher  for  its  object. 
It  is  an  extended  self-love,  mingling  with  all  the  enjoyments 
of  life  and  twisting  itself  with  the  minutest  filaments  of  the 
heart.  It  is  thus  we  obey  the  laws  of  society,  because  they 
are  the  laws  of  virtue.  In  their  authority  we  see,  not  the 
array  of  force  and  terror,  but  the  venerable  image  of  our  coun- 
try's honor.  Every  good  citizen  makes  that  honor  his  own  and 
cherishes  it  not  only  as  precious,  but  as  sacred.  He  is  willing 
to  risk  his  life  in  its  defense,  and  is  conscious  that  he  gains 
protection  while  he  gives  it.  —  Fisher  Ames. 

Patriotism,  whether  we  reflect  upon  the  benevolence  which 
gives  it  birth,  the  magnitude  of  its  object,  the  happy  effect 
which  it  produces,  or  the  height  to  which  it  exalts  human, 


20  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

character,  by  the  glorious  action  of  which  it  is  the  cause,  must 
be  considered  as  the  noblest  of  all  the  social  virtues.  The 
patriot  is  influenced  by  love  for  his  fellow  men  and  an  ardent 
desire  to  preserve  sacred  and  inviolate  their  natural  rights. 
His  philanthropic  views,  not  confined  to  the  small  circle  of  his 
private  friends,  are  so  extensive  as  to  embrace  the  liberty  and 
happiness  of  a  whole  nation.  That  he  may  be  instrumental, 
under  heaven,  to  maintain  and  secure  these  invaluable  bless- 
ings to  his  country,  he  devotes  his  wealth,  his  fame,  his  life, 
his  all.  — Increase  Cook. 


Is  Patriotism  the  love  of  country  only  in  its  natural 
features,  —  its  fields,  forests,  streams,  mountains,  etc.  ? 

No,  Patriotism  embraces  a  love  for  the  institutions 
of  one's  country,  —  its  manners,  customs,  laws. 

It  was  a  noble  attachment  to  a  free  constitution  which 
raised  ancient  Rome  from  the  smallest  beginnings  to  that 
bright  summit  of  happiness  and  glory  to  which  she  arrived; 
and  it  was  the  loss  of  this  which  plunged  her  from  that 
summit  into  the  black  gulf  of  infamy  and  slavery. 

—  Joseph  Warren. 

A  man's  country  is  not  a  certain  area  of  land,  —  of  moun- 
tains, rivers,  and  woods,  —  but  it  is  principle  ;  and  patriotism 
is  loyalty  to  that  principle.  In  poetic  minds  and  in  popular 
enthusiasm,  this  feeling  becomes  closely  associated  with  the 
soil  and  the  symbols  of  the  country.  But  the  secret  sanctifica- 
tion  of  the  soil  and  the  symbol,  is  the  idea  which  they  repre- 
sent; and  this  idea  the  patriot  worships,  through  the  name 


PATRIOTISM.  21 

and  the  symbol,  as  a  lover  kisses  with  rapture  the  glove  of 
his  mistress  and  wears  a  lock  of  her  hair  upon  his  heart. 

—  George  W.  Curtis. 

What  is  it  to  be  an  American  ?  Putting  aside  all  the  outer 
shows  of  dress  and  manners,  social  customs  and  physical 
peculiarities,  is  it  not  to  believe  in  America  and  in  the  Ameri- 
can people  ?  Is  it  not  to  have  an  abiding  and  moving  faith 
in  the  future  and  in  the  destiny  of  America?  —  something 
above  and  beyond  the  patriotism  and  love  which  every  man 
whose  soul  is  not  dead  within  him  feels  for  the  land  of  his 
birth  ?  Is  it  not  to  be  national  and  not  sectional,  independent 
and  not  colonial  ?  Is  it  not  to  have  a  high  conception  of  what 
this  great  new  country  should  be,  and  to  follow  out  that  ideal 
with  loyalty  and  truth  ?  —  Henry  Cabot  Lodge. 

Have  we  not  learned  that  not  stocks  nor  bonds  nor  stately 
houses  nor  lands  nor  the  product  of  the  mill  is  our  country  ? 
It  is  a  spiritual  thought  that  is  in  our  minds.  It  is  the  flag 
and  what  it  stands  for.  It  is  its  glorious  history.  It  is  the 
fireside  and  the  home.  It  is  the  high  thoughts  that  are  in  the 
heart,  born  of  the  inspiration  which  comes  by  the  stories  of 
their  fathers,  the  martyrs  to  liberty ;  it  is  the  graveyards  into 
which  our  careful  country  has  gathered  the  unconscious  dust 
of  those  who  have  died.  Here,  in  these  things,  is  that  which 
we  love  and  call  our  country,  rather  than  in  anything  that  can 
be  touched  or  handled.  —  Benjamin  Harrison. 


Is  Patriotism  confined  to  love  for  ones  native  land  ? 

No;  it  includes  love  for  the  land  of  one's  adop- 
tion. One  may  love  the  country  of  his  choice  even 
more  than  that  of  his  birth. 


22  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

A  man's  country  is  not  merely  that  of  his  birth,  so  often 
a  matter  of  chance,  but  the  land  of  his  happiness.  Born  in 
one  quarter  of  the  globe,  without  attachment  for  its  associa- 
tions, he  may  become  so  bound  up  and  identified  with  that  of 
his  adoption  as  to  hold  it  in  every  respect  as  his  own  true 
native  land.  In  this  light  do  very  many  of  our  Citizens  con- 
sider America.  It  has  afforded  shelter  and  refuge ;  it  has  rec- 
ognized the  liberty  which  is  theirs  through  a  common  humanity. 
In  no  other  land  is  there  like  freedom  in  matters  of  conscience, 
such  recognition  and  appreciation  of  the  great  principles  of 
religion,  and  the  universal  obligation  of  all  men  to  seek  the 
highest  happiness  of  all.  -  Raphael  Lasker. 

We  insist,  indeed,  on  the  duty  of  all  citizens,  whether  native 
born  or  naturalized,  to  be,  or  make  themselves,  thoroughgoing 
Americans ;  but  to  be  Americans  is  to  understand  and  love 
American  institutions,  to  understand  and  love  the  American 
mission,  to  understand  and  love  American  liberty,  to  under- 
stand and  love  American  principles  and  interests,  and  to  use 
with  a  free  and  manly  spirit  the  advantages  of  American 
citizenship  to  advance  the  cause  of  religion  and  civilization. 
Those  who  will  not  be  Americans  in  this  sense,  we  disown; 
we  hold  to  be  "  outside  barbarians  "  and  not  within  the  pale  of 
the  American  order.  —  Orestes  A.  Brownson. 

Let  us  glory  in  the  title  of  American  citizens.  We  owe  an 
allegiance  to  our  country,  and  that  country  is  America.  We 
must  be  in  harmony  with  our  political  institutions.  It  matters 
not  whether  this  is  the  land  of  our  birth  or  of  our  adoption. 
It  is  the  land  of  our  destiny.  Here  we  intend  to  live,  and  here 
we  hope  to  die.  And  when  our  brethren  across  the  Atlantic 
resolve  to  come  to  our  shores,  may  they  be  animated  by  the 
sentiments  of  Ruth  when  she  determined  to  join  her  husband's 


PATRIOTISM.  23 

kindred  in  the  land  of  Israel ;  and  may  they  say  to  you,  as 
she  said  to  her  relatives :  "  Whither  thoti  hast  gone  I  also 
shall  go,  where  tliou  dwellest  I  also  shall  dwell,  thy  people 
si uill  be  my  people,  and  thy  God  my  God.  The  land  that  shall 
receive  thee  dying,  in  the  same  will  I  die,  and  there  will  I  be 
buried."  — John  Conway. 

"Rule  Britannia,"  the  "Marseillaise,"  "Die  Wacht  am 
Rhein,"  and  every  folksong  of  the  older  world  has  drifted  over 
the  Atlantic's  stormy  waves  ;  and  as  each  echo,  growing  fainter 
with  advancing  leagues,  has  reached  this  spot  it  has  been 
merged  into  that  one  grand  chorus,  — 

"  My  country,  'tis  of  thee, 
Sweet  land  of  liberty, 

Of  tlirr    I    >iiijr." 

—  Carter  II.  Harrison. 

Win -iv  is  11  ic  true  man's  fatherland? 
Is  it  \vlicrc  he.  by  chance,  was  born? 
Doth  not  the  Yearning  spirit,  scorn 
In  such  scant  borders  to  be  spanned  V 
(Mi.  yes.  his  fatherland  must  be 
As  the  blue  heaven,  wide  and  free ! 

Where'er  a  human  heart  doth  wear 
Job's  myrtle  wreath,  or  sorrow's  gyves; 
Where'er  a  human  spirit  strives 
After  a,  life  more  true  and  fair, — 
There  is  the  true  man's  birthplace  grand: 
His  is  a  world-wide  fatherland  ! 

Lowell. 


24  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

Why  should  all  men  cherish  the  sentiment  of  Pat- 
riotism ? 

Because  the  all-wise  Creator  has  planted  it  in 
men's  minds  as  a  source  of  happiness  to  themselves 
and  of  good  to  society.  It  is  unnatural  to  dislike 
one's  country. 

The  noblest  motive  is  the  public  good.  —  Vergil 

There  is  no  greater  sign  of  a  general  decay  in  virtue  in  a 
nation,  than  a  want  of  zeal  in  its  inhabitants  for  the  good  of 
their  country.  —  Joseph  Addison. 

Every  act  of  noble  sacrifice  to  the  country,  every  instance 
of  patriotic  devotion  to  her  cause,  has  its  beneficial  influence. 
A  nation's  character  is  the  sum  of  its  splendid  deeds;  they 
constitute  one  common  patrimony,  the  nation's  inheritance. 
They  awe  foreign  powers,  they  arouse  and  animate  our  own 
people.  I  love  true  glory.  It  is  this  sentiment  which  ought 
to  be  cherished;  and  in  spite  of  cavils,  and  sneers,  and  at- 
tempts to  put  it  down,  it  will  finally  conduct  this  nation  to 
the  height  to  ivhich  God  and  nature  have  destined  it. 

—  Henry  Clay. 

Breathes  there  a  man  with  soul  so  dead, 
Who  never  to  himself  hath  said, 

"  This  is  my  own,  my  native  land  "  ? 
Whose  heart  hath  ne'er  within  him  burned, 
As  home  his  footsteps  he  hath  turned, 

From  wandering  on  a  foreign  strand  ? 
If  such  there  breathe,  go,  mark  him  well. 
For  him  no  minstrel  ruptures  swell. 
High  though  his  titles,  proud  his  name, 


.       PATRIOTISM.  25 

Boundless  his  wealth  as  wish  can  claim ; 

Despite  those  titles,  power,  and  pelf, 

The  wretch,  concentered  all  in  self, 

Living,  shall  forfeit  fair  renown, 

And,  doubly  dying,  shall  go  down 

To  the  vile  dust,  from  whence  he  sprung, 

Unwept,  unhonored,  and  unsung.     —  Walter  /Scott. 

That  monster  never  breathed,  so  far  distorted  from  the 
forms  of  nature,  whose  bosom  has  not  acknowledged  that 
strongest  instinct,  that  most  universal  passion,  that  most 
rational  and  virtuous  affection  of  all  those  which  God  has 
implanted  in  the  breasts  of  his  creatures  —  the  love  of  his 
country.  —  William  Minto. 

Wliat  are  some  of  the  fruits  of  Patriotism  ? 

Unselfishness,  devotion  to  the  public  welfare,  cour- 
age, self-sacrifice,  liberality,  and  many  other  virtues. 

Life  for  my  country  and  the  cause  of  freedom, 
Is  but  a  trifle  for  a  worm  to  part  with; 
And,  if  preserved  in  so  great  a  contest, 

Life  is  redoubled.  —  Hezekiah  Niles. 

What  is  the  sweetness  and  glory  of  dying  for  one's  coun- 
try ?  It  is  the  bliss  of  self-renunciation;  of  being  absorbed 
by  what  is  greater  and  more  beautiful  than  ourselves. 

—  George  P.  Fisher. 

I  was  born  an  American ;  I  live  an  American ;  I  shall  die 
;in  American;  and  I  intend  1<>  perform  the  duties  incumbent 
upon  nit1  in  tli at-  diameter  to  the  end  of  my  career.  I  mean 
to  do  this,  with  absolute  disregard  of  personal  consequences. 


26  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

What  are  personal  consequences  ?  What  is  the  individual 
man,  with  all  the  good  or  evil  that  may  betide  him,  in  compari- 
son with  the  good  or  evil  which  may  befall  a  great  country, 
and  in  the  midst  of  great  transactions  which  concern  that 
country's  fate  ?  Let  the  consequences  be  what  they  will,  I  am 
careless.  No  man  can  suffer  too  much,  and  no  man  can  fall 
too  soon,  if  he  suffer,  or  if  he  fall,  in  defense  of  the  liberties 
and  Constitution  of  his  country.  —  Daniel  Webster. 

With  passionate  heroism,  of  which  tradition  is  never  weary 
of  tenderly  telling,  Arnold  von  Winkelried  gathers  into  his 
bosom  the  sheaf  of  foreign  spears,  that  his  death  may  give 
life  to  his  country.  So  Nathan  Hale,  disdaining  no  service 
that  his  country  demands,  perishes  untimely,  with  no  other 
friend  than  God  and  the  satisfied  sense"  of  duty.  So  George 
Washington,  at  once  comprehending  the  scope  of  the  destiny 
to  which  his  country  was  devoted,  with  one  hand  puts  aside 
the  crown,  and  with  the  other  sets  his  slaves  free.  So,  through 
all  history  from  the  beginning,  a  noble  army  of  martyrs  has 
fought  fiercely  and  fallen  bravely  for  that  unseen  mistress, 
their  country.  So,  through  all  history  to  the  end,  as  long  as 
men  believe  in  God,  that  army  must  still  march  and  fight  and 
fall,  —  recruited  only  from  the  flower  of  mankind,  cheered 
only  by  their  own  hope  of  humanity,  strong  only  in  their 
confidence  in  their  cause.  —  George  W.  Curtis. 


What  especial  reasons  have  Americans  for  loving 
America  ? 

The  territory  occupied  by  the  United  States  is  con- 
tinental;    its  shores  are  washed    by  the    two   great 


PATRIOTISM.  27 

oceans ;  its  mountains,  plains,  lakes,  and  rivers  are 
among  the  most  magnificent  in  the  world ;  it  lias 
great  diversity  of  scenery  and  climate  ;  has  boundless 
resources,  and  can  support  in  comfort,  even  luxury, 
a  population  of  many  hundred  million.  It  is  a  land 
of  beauty  and  of  plenty,  a  home  suitable  for  a  great 
nation  of  free  people. 

Never  was  a  people  so  advantageously  situated  for  working 
out  this  great  problem  in  favor  of  human  liberty. 

—  Henry  A.  Boardman. 

With  a  just  deference  to  the  age,  the  power,  the  greatness 
of  the  other  nations  of  the  earth,  we  do  not  fear  to  appeal  to 
the  opinion  of  mankind  whether,  as  we  point  to  our  land,  our 
people,  and  our  laws,  the  contemplation  should  not  inspire  us 
with  a  lover's  enthusiasm  for  our  country. 

—  William  M.  Evarts. 

No  words  can  depict,  no  pen  can  describe,  the  wonderful 
variety,  richness,  grandeur,  and  beauty  which  the  Almighty 
has  stamped  upon  this,  our  favored  land.  Every  material  for 
human  industry,  every  facility  for  honorable  employment,  can 
be  here  found.  The  fisherman,  the  sailor,  the  farmer,  the 
miner,  the  mechanic  <>!'  <•  very  kind,  the  artist,  the  merchant, 
and  even  the  preacher,  the  doctor,  and  the  lawyer,  may  here 
find  means  of  pursuing  his  vocation.  In  what  part  of  the 
habitable  globe  can  any  man  utter  with  greater  truth  the 
words  of  the  psalmist,  - 

u  O  Lord,  how  great  are  thy  works  "  ? 

—  John  Sherman. 


28  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

The  "Stars  and  Stripes"  now  float  over  a  vast  continent, 
extending  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Great  Ocean,  and  from  the 
Gulf  to  the  Frozen  Seas  of  the  North.  The  great  Eepublic 
may  now  be  considered  as  embracing  four  nearly  equal  quar- 
ters of  about  nine  hundred  thousand  square  miles  each,  —  the 
first  being  the  original  territory  east  of  the  Mississippi  River ; 
the  second,  the  Louisiana  Purchase ;  the  third,  Texas  and 
the  Mexican  provinces ;  and  the  fourth  covering  Oregon  and 
Alaska.  —  William  A.  Mowry. 

In  all  the  allotments  of  Providence  we  have  been  placed 
in  a  pleasant  and  beautiful  country, — a  country  washed  on 
either  hand  by  the  waters  of  the  circling  seas  and  teeming 
with  all  the  elements  of  prosperity  and  power.  This  glo- 
rious country,  this  chosen  seat  of  science  and  of  art,  this 
happy  and  peculiar  residence  of  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
has  been  won  for  us  by  the  constancy  and  courage  of  our 
ancestors ;  it  is  the  birthplace  of  blood  and  battle  and  pro- 
longed disaster ;  and  it  is  ours  to  defend,  ours  to  enjoy,  and 
ours  to  transmit  in  untarnished  splendor  to  posterity. 

-William  W  Holden. 

Great  God,  we  thank  thee  for  this  home, 

This  bounteous  birthland  of  the  free, 
Where  wanderers  from  afar  may  come 

And  breathe  the  air  of  liberty. 
Still  may  her  flowers  untrampled  spring, 

Her  harvests  wave,  her  cities  rise ; 
And  yet,  till  Time  shall  fold  her  wing, 

Remain  Earth's  loveliest  Paradise. 

—  William  J.  Peabody. 


PATRIOTISM.  29 

Is  there  anything  in  our  history  to  awaken  patriotic 
pride  ? 

Yes,  a  great  deal ;  our  origin,  and  the  deeds  of 
oiir  ancestors.  Our  history  is  rich  in  heroes. 

The  most  substantial  glory  of  a  country  is  in  its  virtuous 
great  men ;  its  prosperity  will  depend  on  its  docility  to  learn 
from  their  example.  That  nation  is  fated  to  ignominy  and 
servitude  for  which  such  men  have  lived  in  vain! 

—  Fisher  Ames. 

Next  in  purity  and  meekness  to  the  thanksgivings  which 
we  owe  to  the  God  who  gave,  and  guided,  and  sustained  them, 
is  the  feeling  of  grateful  reverence  we  should  ever  cherish 
toward  those  who  are  the  instruments  of  his  goodness.  To 
the  claims  of  our  great  men,  of  every  age  and  time,  of  every 
sect  and  party,  let  us  then  be  faithful.  Let  history  transmit 
to  other  generations  the  story  of  their  lives;  let  the  canvas 
and  the  marble  perpetuate  the  image  of  their  forms ;  let  poetry 
and  music  breathe  forth  their  names  in  hymns  and  harmonies ; 
let  the  united  voice  of  their  countrymen  echo  their  praises  to 
the  remotest  shores,  —  so  that  wherever  an  American  foot  shall 
tread,  or  a  lover  of  American  liberty  be  found,  there,  too,  the 
memory  of  their  greatness  shall  abide,  —  a  beauty  and  an 
excellence,  the  joy  of  all  the  earth! 

—  Benjamin  F.  Butler. 

In  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  when  it  was  thought  the 
cause  was  lost,  men  became  inspired  at  the  very  mention  of 
the  name  of  George  Washington.  In  1812,  when  we  succeeded 
once  more  against  the  mother  country,  men  were  looking  for  a 
hero,  and  there  rose  before  them  that  rugged,  grim,  indepen- 


30  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

dent  old  hero,  Andrew  Jackson.  In  the  last  and  greatest  of 
all  wars  an  independent  and  tender-hearted  man  was  raised  up 
by  Providence  to  guide  the  helm  of  state  through  that  great 
crisis,  and  men  confidingly  placed  the  destinies  of  this  great 
land  in  the  hands  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  In  the  annals  of  our 
country,  we  find  no  man  whose  training  had  been  so  peaceful, 
whose  heart  was  so  gentle,  whose  nature  was  so  tender,  and 
yet  who  was  called  upon  to  marshal  the  hosts  of  the  masses  of 
the  people  during  four  years  of  remorseless  and  blobdy  and 
unrelenting  fratricidal  war.  •  —  Horace  Porter. 

It  cannot  be  that  men  who  are  the  seed 

Of  Washington  should  miss  fame's  true  applause ; 

Franklin  did  plan  us ;  Marshall  gave  us  laws  ; 
And  slow  the  broad  scroll  grew  a  people's  creed,  — 
One  land  and  free  !  then  at  our  dangerous  need, 

Time's  challenge  coming,  Lincoln  gave  it  pause, 

Upheld  the  double  pillars  of  the  cause, 
And  dying  left  them  whole,  —  the  crowning  deed. 

Such  was  the  fathering  race  that  made  all  fast, 
Who  founded  us,  and  spread  from  sea  to  sea, 
A  thousand  leagues,  the  zone  of  liberty, 

And  built  for  man  this  refuge  from  his  past, 

Unkinged,  unchurched,  unsoldiered ;  shamed  were  we, 

Failing  the  stature  that  such  sires  forecast. 

—  George  E.  Woodberry. 

A  nation  is  to  be  congratulated  when  it  has  many  illus- 
trious men  in  its  history,  to  whom  the  people  may  look  back 
with  reverential  love.  Happy  the  people  possessing  among 
their  dead  a  Washington  and  a  Lincoln !  Each  such  name 
helps  to  hold  the  passing  generations,  with  all  their  new  prob- 


PATRIOTISM.  31 

lems  and  revolutionary  impulses,  in  allegiance  to  the  ideals 
of  the  past.  One  must  believe  that  Westminster  Abbey  is  a 
perpetual  incentive  to  true  patriotism ;  that  beneath  the  con- 
stant influence  of  its  noble  monuments  demagogues  could  not 
nourish.  As  one  walks  beneath  those  arches  and  reads  the 
records  of  heroes  who  have  died  in  various  climes  for  England 
and  mankind,  of  the  statesmen  and  authors  who  have  for  so 
many  centuries  been  making  the  English  language  and  ideas 
the  most  precious  literary  heritage  of  the  world,  one  gets  a 
profound  impression  of  the  solidity  of  English  institutions,  a 
tirm  confidence  that  widespread,  deeply  penetrating  roots  will 
keep  the  English  oak  green  for  centuries  to  conic. 

—  Franklin  Carter. 


How  can  we  cultivate  our  Patriotism  f 

By  becoming  acquainted  with  our  country,  study- 
ing its  inspiring  history,  familiarizing  ourselves  with 
its  institutions,  and  by  taking  an  active  interest  in 
its  affairs.  A  visit  to  the  national  capital,  to  some 
striking  scene  like  Niagara  Falls,  the  great  prairies, 
the  Yellowstone  Park,  the  Yosemite  Valley,  or  to 
some  noted  battlefield  ;  the  singing  of~natirmarl  songs, 
or  the  reading  of  patriotic  utterances,  cannot  fail  to 
arouse  love  and  admiration  for  our  country. 

Patriotism  is  one  of  the  positive  lessons  to  be  taught  in 
every  school.  Everything  learned  should  be  flavored  with  a 
genuine  love,  of  country.  Every  glorious  fact  in  the  nation's 
history  should  be  emphasized,  and  lovingly  dwelt  upon.  The 


\     1 


32  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

i 
names  of  her  illustrious  citizens  should  be  treasured  in  the 

memory.  Every  child  should  feel  that  he  is  entitled  to  a 
share,  not  only  in  the  blessings  conferred  by  a  free  govern- 
ment, but  also  in  the  rich  memories  and  glorious  achievements 
of  his  country.  '  —  Richard  Edwards. 

The  school  is  the  one  force,  is  the  only  force,  that  can  unify 
all  classes  and  conditions  of  society.  Here  we  have  the  chil- 
dren of  the  nation  in  their  entirety,  and  we  can,  if  we  will,  teach 
them  in  the  schools  so  much  of  the  grandeur  of  our  possessions, 
of  the  heroic  in  our  history,  of  the  brilliant  in  our  prosperity, 
of  the  fascinating  in  our  traditions,  that  the  fathers  of  the 
future  Avill  be  willing  to  vote  for,  and  die,  if  need  be,  for  the 
American  idea ;  that  the  mothers  of  the  future  will  teach  their 
sons  to  develop  our  resources  by  industry,  to  honor  the  his- 
toric heroism  of  our  sires,  to  project  the  brilliancy  of  our  pros- 
perity into  the  future,  to  cherish,  with  unwavering  devotion, 
the  traditions  of  the  land.  —  Albert  E.  Winship. 

And  how  is  the  spirit  of  a  free  people  to  be  formed  and 
animated  and  cheered,  but  out  of  the  storehouse  of  its  historic 
recollections  ?  Are  we  to  be  eternally  ringing  the  changes 
upon  Marathon  and  Thermopylae;  and  going  back  to  read 
in  obscure  texts  of  Greek  and  Latin  of  the  exemplars  of 
patriotic  virtue  ?  I  thank  God  that  we  can  find  them  nearer 
home,  in  our  own  country,  on  our  own  soil ;  that  strains  of  the 
noblest  sentiment  that  ever  swelled  in  the  breast  of  man,  are 
breathing  to  us  out  of  every  page  of  our  country's  history,  in 
the  native  eloquence  of  our  native  tongue;  that  the  colonial 
and  provincial  councils  of  America  exhibit  to  us  models  of 
the  spirit  and  character  which  gave  Greece  and  Rome  their 
name  and  their  praise  among  the  nations.  Here  we  may 


PATRIOTISM.  33 

go  for  our  instruction ;  tlie  lesson  is  plain,  it  is  clear,  it  is 
applicable.  —  Edward  Everett. 

Look  at  the  mighty  Mississippi,  the  Father  of  Waters. 
It  rises  in  the  nameless  snows  of  North  America,  runs 
through  twenty-three  degrees  of  latitude,  all  our  own  soil,  and 
washes  the  sides  of  ten  young,  flourishing,  and  powerful  states. 
Its  tributaries  drain  the  rains  that  fall  in  sight  of  the  Atlantic, 
and  meet  the  streams  that  flow  into  the  Pacific  upon  the  sum- 
mit of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  Its  broad  tides  bear  on  their 
buoyant  bosom  the  clothing  of  half  the  world,  and  the  fertile 
valleys  which  spread  out  from  its  ample  banks  are  capable  of 
producing  food  for  the  whole  population  of  the^arth  for  a 
thousand  years  to  come.  —  Matthew  W.  Ransom. 

As  the  American  youth,  for  uncounted  centuries,  shall  visit 
the  capital  of  his  country,  —  strongest,  richest,  freest,  happiest 
of  the  nations  of  the  earth,  —  from  the  stormy  coast  of  New 
Kngland,  from  the  luxurious  regions  of  the  Gulf,  from  the 
prairie  and  tin-  plain,  from  the  Golden  Gate,  from  far  Alaska, 
—  he  will  admire  the  evidences  of  its  grandeur  and  the  monu- 
ments of  its  historic  glory. 

He  will  iind  there,  rich  libraries  and  vast  museums, 
which  show  the  product  of  that  matchless  inventive  genius 
of  America,  which  has  multiplied  a  thousandfold  the  wealth 
and  comfort  of  human  life.  He  will  see  the  simple  and 
modest  portal  through  which  the  great  line  of  the  Republic's 
chief  magistrates  have  passed,  at  the  call  of  their  country, 
to  assume  an  honor  surpassing  that  of  emperors  and  kings, 
and  through  which  they  have  returned,  in  obedience  to 
her  laws,  to  lake  their  place  again  as  equals  in  the  ranks 
of  their  fellow-citi/eiis.  He  will  stand  by  the  matchless 

PAT.   CIT.  — 3 


34  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

obelisk,  which,  loftiest  of  human  structures,  is  itself  but  the  im- 
perfect type  of  the  loftiest  of  human  characters.  He  will  gaze 
upon  the  marble  splendors  of  the  Capitol,  in  whose  chambers 
are  enacted  the  statutes  under  which  the  people  of  a  continent 
dwell  together  in  peace,  and  the  judgments  are  rendered  which 
keep  the  forces  of  states  and  nation  alike  within  their 
appointed  bounds.  He  will  look  upon  the  records  of  great 
wars  and  the  statues  of  great  commanders.  But,  if  he  know 
his  country's  history,  and  consider  wisely  the  sources  of  her 
glory,  there  is  nothing  in  all  these  which  will  so  stir  his  heart 
as  two  fading  and  time-soiled  papers  whose  characters  were 
traced  by  the  hands  of  the  fathers  one  hundred  years  ago. 
They  are  the  original  records  of  the  acts  which  devoted  this 
nation,  forever,  to  equality,  to  education,  to  religion,  and  to 
liberty.  One  is  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  other  is 
the  Ordinance  of  1787.  —  George  F.  Hoar. 

Our  native  song  —  our  native  song, 

Oh,  where  is  he  that  loves  it  not  ? 
The  spell  it  holds  is  deep  and  strong, 

Where'er  we  go,  whate'er  our  lot. 
Let  other  music  greet  our  ear 

With  thrilling  fire  or  dulcet  tone, 
We  speak  to  praise,  we  pause  to  hear, 

But  yet  —  oh,  yet  —  'tis  not  our  own. 
The  anthem  chant,  the  ballad  wild, 

The  notes  that  we  remember  long,  — 
The  theme  we  sing  with  lisping  tongue,  — 

'Tis  this  we  love,  —  our  native  song. 

—  Eliza  Cook. 


THE    FLAG. 


FIRST  AMERICAN   FLAG. 


Behold,  its  streaming  rays  unite, 
One  mingling  flood  of  braided  light : 
The  red  that  fires  the  Southern  rose, 
With  spotless  white  from  Northern  snows, 
And,  spangled  o'er  its  azure,  see, 
The  sister  stars  of  Liberty. 

Then  hail  the  Banner  of  the  Free, 

The  starry  Flower  of  Liberty ! 

—  OLIVER  WENDELL  HOLMES. 


THE  FLAG. 


What  familiar  object  is  especially  suggestive  of 
Patriotism  f 

Our  national  banner.  Whenever  and  wherever 
seen,  it  awakens  thoughts  of  country  and  kindles 
patriotism. 

All  hail  to  our  glorious  ensign  !  Courage  to  the  heart,  and 
strength  to  the  hand,  to  which,  in  all  tiniest  shall  be  intrusted! 
May  it  ever  wave  in  honor,  in  unsullied  glory,  and  patriotic 
hope,  on  the  dome  of  the  capitol,  on  the  country's  stronghold, 
on  the  tented  plain,  on  the  wave-rocked  topmast.  Wherever, 
on  the  earth's  surface,  the  eye  of  the  American  shall  behold  it, 
may  he  have  reason  to  bless  it !  On  whatsoever  spot  it  as 
planted,  there  may  freedom  have  a  foothold,  humanity  a  brave 
champion,  and  religion  an  altar.  Though  stained  with  blood 
in  a  righteous  cause,  may  it  never,  in  any  cause,  be  stained 
with  slut  11  ic.  Alike,  when  its  gorgeous  folds  shall  wanton  in 
la/.y  holiday  triumphs  on  the  summer  breeze,  and  its  tattered 
fragments  be  dimly  seen  through  the  clouds  of  war,  may  it  be 
the  joy  and  the  pride  of  the  American  heart.  First  raised  in 
the  cause  of  right  and  liberty,  in  that  cause  alone  may  it  for- 

37 


38  PATRIOTIC  CITIZENSHIP. 

ever  spread  out  its  streaming  blazonry  to  the  battle  and  the 
storm.  Having  been  borne  victoriously  across  the  continent, 
and  on  every  sea,  may  virtue,  and  freedom,  and  peace  forever 
follow  where  it  leads  the  way.  —  Edward  Everett. 

From  the  time  warrior-born  man  first  buckled  on  the  sword 
to  maintain  supremacy  by  force  of  arms,  some  symbol  of  sover- 
eign might  —  dyed  in  the  colors  of  nature  —  has  blazed  at  the 
front  on  every  contested  field  of  pagan  or  of  Christian  land. 
Men  seal  their  devotion  to  an  idea,  a  principle,  with  their  lives ; 
but  the  mind  is  so  constituted  that  the  abstract  thought  must 
have  material  existence,  and  this  the  flag  supplies ;  for,  by  some 
occult  process  of  transubstantiation,  it  becomes  in  the  eyes  of 
the  patriot  the  visible  state,  the  embodiment  of  all  that  is 
grand  and  good  and  true  in  the  structure  of  the  nation;  its 
defense  the  one  lesson  of  patriotism,  treason  to  its  cause  the 
unpardonable  sin. 

O  banner  of  beauty  and  glory !  Glinted  by  the  first  rays 
of  the  morning,  as  you  crown  the  blue  waters  of  the  Atlan- 
tic, a  beacon  of  liberty  to  all  the  lands ;  kissed  by  the  light 
of  noonday  as  you  wave  over  the  great  Mississippi  valley 
and  spread  your  protecting  shadow  in  majestic  sweep  from  the 
unsalted  seas  to  the  land  of  the  Montezumas;  gorgeous  in 
the  golden  sunset  of  that  far  Occident,  whose  rivers  tumble  to 
tlfe  tide  and  hear  no  sound,  save  their  own  dashing ;  gathering 
a  continent  in  your  embrace,  sheltering  one  great  country 
under  the  benison  of  one  mighty  flag. 

—  James  S.  Ostrander. 

There  is  the  national  flag !  He  must  be  cold,  indeed,  who 
can  look  upon  its  folds  rippling  in  the  breeze  without  pride  of 
country.  If  he  be  in  a  foreign  land,  the  flag  is  companionship, 
and  c.ountry  itself  with  all  its  endearments.  Who,  as  he  sees 


THE  FLAG.  39 

it,  can  think  of  a  state  merely  ?  Whose  eye  once  fastened 
ui)on  its  radiant  trophies  can  fail  to  recognize  the  image  of  the 
whole  nation  ? 

It  has  been  called  a  "floating  piece  of  poetry";  and  yet 
I  know  not  if  it  have  any  intrinsic  beauty  beyond  other 
ensigns.  Its  highest  beauty  is  in  what  it  symbolizes.  It  is 
because  it  represents  all,  that  all  gaze  at  it  with  delight  and 
reverence.  It  is  a  piece  of  bunting  lifted  in  the  air;  but  it 
speaks  sublimely  and  every  part  has  a  voice.  Its  stripes  of 
alternate  red  and  white  proclaim  the  original  union  of  thirteen 
states  to  maintain  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Its  stars, 
white  on  a  field  of  blue,  proclaim  that  union  of  states  consti- 
tuting our  national  constellation,  which  receives  a  new  star 
with  every  new  state.  The  two  together  signify  union,  past 
and  present.  The  very  colors  have  a  language  which  was 
officially  recognized  by  our  fathers.  White  is  for  purity,  red 
for  valor,  blue  for  justice;  and  all  together,  —  bunting,  stripes, 
stni's.  ;ind  colors,  blazing  in  the  sky,  —  make  the  flag  of  our 
country,  to  be  cherished  by  all  our  hearts,  to  be  upheld  by  all 
our  hands.  —  Charles  Sumner. 


Describe  the  United  States  Flag. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  June,  1777,  the  Continental 
Congress  resolved  that  the  flag  of  the  United  Colonies 
should  show  thirteen  stripes  of  red  and  white  alter- 
nating to  represent  the  number  of  the  Colonies,  with 
thirteen  stars  in  a  blue  field. 

This,  after  various  changes,  became  the  flag  of 
the  United  States,  and  for  every  state  added  to  the 


40  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

Union,  a  star  is  added  to  our  flag.  The  width  of  the 
flag  is  two  thirds  its  length.  Seven  of  the  stripes, 
beginning  with  the  outermost,  are  red.  The  blue 
field,  or  union,  is  square,  and  has  the  width  of  seven 
stripes.  We  call  it  the  "  Star-spangled  Banner,"  the 
"Red,  White,  and  Blue." 

It  is  the  flag-  of  history.  Those  thirteen  stripes  tell  the 
story  of  our  colonial  struggle,  of  the  days  of  '76.  They  speak 
of  the  savage  wilderness,  of  old  Independence  Hall,  of  Val- 
ley Forge  and  Yorktowri.  Those  stars  tell  the  story  of  our 
nation's  growth,  how  it  has  come  from  weakness  to  strength, 
until  its  gleam  in  the  sunrise  over  the  forests  of  Maine  crim- 
sons the  sunset's  dying  beams  on  the  golden  sands  of  Cali- 
fornia. —  S.  L.  Waterbury. 

Washed  in  the  blood  of  the  brave  and  the  blooming, 
Snatched  from  the  altars  of  insolent  foes, 

Burning  with  star-fires,  but  never  consuming, 
Flash  its  broad  ribbons  of  lily  and  rose. 

Borne  on  the  deluge  of  old  usurpations, 

Drifted  our  ark  o'er  the  desolate  seas, 
Bearing  the  rainbow  of  hope  to  the  nations, 

Torn  from  the  storm  cloud  and  flung  to  the  breeze  ! 

God  bless  the  Flag  and  its  loyal  defenders, 
"While  its  broad  folds  o'er  the  battlefield  wave, 

Till  the  dim  Star-wreath  rekindle  its  splendors, 
Washed  from  its  stains  in  the  blood  of  the  brave  ! 

—  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes. 


THE   FLAG.  41 

All  nature  sings  wildly  the  song  of  the  free, 
The  red,  white,  and  blue  float  o'er  land  and  o'er  sea ; 
The  white  —  in  each  billow  that  breaks  on  the  shore, 
The  blue  —  in  the  arching  that  canopies  o'er 
The  land  of  our  birth  in  its  glory  outspread  — 
And  sunset  dyes  deepen  and  glow  into  red ; 
Day  fades  into  night  and  the  red  stripe  retires, 
l>iit  stars  o'er  the  blue  light  their  sentinel  fires; 
And  though  night  be  gloomy,  with  clouds  overspread, 
Kadi  star  holds  its  place  in  the  field  overhead; 
When  scatter  the  clouds  and  the  tempest  is  through, 
We  count  every  star  in  tin-  field  of  the  blue. 

—  Anonymous. 

In  radiance  heavenly  fair, 
I1' I o; its  on  the  peaceful  air 

That  nag  that  never  stooped  from  victory's  pride; 
Those  stars  that  softly  gleam, 
Those  stripes  that  o'er  us  stream, 

In  war's  grand  agony  were  sanctified; 
A  holy  standard,  pure  and  free, 
To  light  the  home  of  peace,  or  blaze  in  victory. 

—  F.  Marion  Crawford. 


What  is  the  office  of  the  Flag? 

It  typifies  the  Nation ;  it  stands  for  our  country. 
It  is  carried  by  our  troops  in  battle;  streams  from 
the  masts  of  our  ships  of  war ;  flies  from  our  forts 
and  public  buildings  at  home,  and  marks  our  embas- 
sies and  consulates  abroad.  It  should  float  from 


42  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

every    schoolhouse   in    the    land,  and   the   sight   of 
"  Old  Glory  "  should  always  arouse  our  enthusiasm. 

Every  nation  has  a  flag  that  represents  the  country  —  every 
army  a  common  banner  which,  to  the  soldier,  stands  for  that 
army.  It  speaks  to  him  in  the  din  of  battle,  cheers  him  in  the 
long  and  tedious  march,  and  pleads  with  him  on  the  disastrous 
retreat.  — Joel  T.  Headley. 

Wherever  civilization  dwells,  or  the  name  of  Washington  is 
known,  it  bears  on  its  folds  the  concentrated  power  of  armies 
and  navies,  and  surrounds  the  votaries  with  a  defense  more 
impregnable  than  a  battlement  of  wall  or  tower.  Wherever 
on  earth's  surface  an  America*  citizen  may  wander,  called  by 
pleasure,  business,  or  caprice,  it  is  a  shield  securing  him 
against  wrong  and  outrage.  —  Oaluslia  A.  Grow. 

It  is  a  little  thing,  perchance,  to  put  the  stars  and  stripes  a 
few  miles  nearer  to  the  pole  than  has  been  put  the  flag  of  any 
other  nation ;  but  yet,  somehow  or  other,  that  fact  appeals  to 
us  as  Americans.  —  Adolplms  W.  Oreely. 

Many  years  ago,  in  my  wanderings,  I  found  myself  on  a 
steamer  anchored  in  the  bay  of  Naples,  the  dense  fog  prevent- 
ing our  entrance  into  port.  Standing  on  deck  and  peering 
through  the  mist  to  get,  if  possible,  a  sight  of  Naples  and  its 
beautiful  surroundings,  a  rift  in  the  fog  disclosed  the  old  flag 
borne  by  a  man-of-war.  Excitedly  I  turned  to  my  traveling 
companion,  the  tears  starting  to  my  eyes,  and,  pointing  to  it, 
said,  "  See  our  flag."  I  shall  never  forget  the  emotions  I  then 
experienced.  I  felt  in  my  heart  that,  though  a  wanderer  far 
from  country,  home,  and  friends,  I  had  in  that  old  flag  a  pro- 
tector. —  Augustus  L.  CUetlain. 


THE    FLAG.  43 

I  have  recently  returned  from  an  extended  tour  of  the 
States,  and  nothing  so  impressed  and  so  refreshened  me  as  the 
universal  display  of  this  banner  of  beauty  and  glory.  It  waved 
over  the  schoolhouses ;  it  was  in  the  hands  of  the  school  chil- 
dren. As  we  speeded  across  the  sandy  wastes  at  some  solitary 
place,  a  man,  a  woman,  a  child,  would  come  to  the  door  and 
wave  it  in  loyal  greeting.  Two  years  ago  I  saw  a  sight  that 
has  ever  been  present  in  my  memory.  As  we  were  going  out 
of  the  harbor  of  Newport,  about  midnight,  on  a  dark  night, 
some  of  the  officers  of  the  torpedo  station  had  prepared  for  us 
a  beautiful  surprise.  The  flag  at  the  depot  station  was  unseen 
in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  when  suddenly  electric  search 
lights  were  turned  on  it,  bathing  it  in  a  flood  of  light.  All 
below  the  flag  was  hidden,  and  it  seemed  to  have  no  touch  with 
earth,  but  to  hang  from  the  battlements  of  heaven.  It  was  as 
if  heaven  was  approving  the  human  liberty  and  human  equal- 
ity typified  by  that  flag.  -  — Benjamin  Harrison. 

Our  flag  is  the  symbol  of  sovereignty,  the  emblem  of  the 
love  of  country.  It  ought  to  float  wherever  the  spirit  of  this 
great  country  is  at  work ;  in  its  halls  at  Washington,  in  its 
city  halls,  in  its  public  buildings  —  everywhere.  Our  youth 
ought  to  be  taught  that  we  have  a  government  built  up  on  sac- 
rifices as  that  of  no  other  nation  is.  We  take  these  other 
nations  into  our  own,  but  not  before  they  have  renounced  all 
allegiance  elsewhere.  This  is  the  land  of  freedom,  of  equal 
rights,  and  the  guarantee  of  it  is  the  flag  which  floats  over  our 
common  city.  — Abram  S.  Hewitt. 

Out  upon  the  four  winds  blow, 

Tell  the  world  your  story ; 
Tli ric«>  in  hearts'  blood  dipped  before 

They  called  your  name  Old  Glory ! 


44  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

Stream,  Old  Glory,  bear  your  stars 

High  among  the  seven ; 
Stream  a  watchnre  on  the  dark, 

And  make  a  sign  in  heaven ! 

When  from  sky  to  sky  you  float, 

Far  in  wide  savannas, 
Vast  horizons  lost  in  light 

Answer  with  hosannas. 
Symbol  of  unmeasured  power, 

Blessed  promise  sealing, 
All  your  hills  are  hills  of  God, 

And  all  your  founts  are  healing ! 

Still  to  those  —  the  wronged  of  earth — 

Sanctuary  render ; 
For  hope  and  home  and  heaven  they  see 

Within  your  sacred  splendor ! 
Stream,  Old  Glory,  bear  your  stars 

High  among  the  seven ; 
Stream  a  watchnre  on  the  dark, 

And  make  a  sign  in  heaven ! 

—  Harriet  Prescott  Spofford. 


How  should  the  Flag  be  treated? 

Because  it  is  the  emblem  of  the  Nation's  dignity, 
power,  and  protecting  care,  it  should  be  treated  with 
great  respect  and  affection. 

We  join  ourselves  to  no  party  that  does  not  carry  the  flag 
and  keep  step  to  the  music  of  the  Union.  —  Rufus  Choate. 


THE   FLAG.  45 

If  any  one  attempts  to  haul  down  the  American  flag,  shoot 
him  on  the  spot.  —  John  A.  Dix. 

If  ever  it  is  a  question  whether  you  or  the  flag  must  perish, 
you  will  instantly  choose  that  it  shall  not  be  the  flag. 

—  William  T.  Sherman. 

America,  so  proud  and  free, 
I  give  my  song,  iny  heart  to  thee ! 
Still  let  thy  heav'n-born  symbol  fly 
In  ev'ry  clime,  'neath  every  sky ; 
Still  rise  a  yeoman  race,  to  stand 
For  God,  and  home,  and  native  land ! 

—  Jeremiah  E.  Raiikin. 

For  myself,  in  our  federal  relations,  I  know  but  one  section, 
one  union,  one  flag,  one  government.  That  section  embraces 
every  state ;  that  union  is  the  Union  sealed  with  the  blood  and 
consecrated  by  the  tears  of  the  Revolutionary  struggle ;  that 
flag  is  the  flag  known  and  honored  in  every  sea  under  heaven ; 
which  has  borne  oft'  glorious  victory  from  many  a  bloody  battle- 
field, and  yet  stirs  with  warmer  and  quicker  pulsations  the 
heart's  blood  of  every  true  American,  when  he  looks  upon 
its  stars  and  stripes.  I  will  sustain  that  flag  wherever  it 
waves  —  over  tlue  sea  or  over  the  land.  And  when  it  shall  be 
despoiled  and  disfigured,  I  will  rally  around  it  still,  as  the  star- 
span -let  I  banner  of  my  fathers  and  my  country ;  and,  so  long  as 
a  single  stripe  can  be  discovered,  or  a  single  star  shall  glimmer 
from  the  surrounding  darkness,  I  will  cheer  it  as  the  emblem  of  a 
nation's  glory  and  a  nation's  hope.  —  Daniel  S.  Dickinson. 

Let  us  twine  each  thread  of  the  glorious  tissue  of  our  coun- 
try's flag  about  our  heart  strings,  and  looking  upon  our  homes, 
and  catching  the  spirit  that  breathes  upon  us  from  the  battle- 


46  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

fields  of  our  fathers,  let  us  resolve  that,  come  weal  or  woe, 
we  will  in  life  and  in  death,  now  and  forever,  stand  by. the 
stars  and  stripes.  They  have  floated  over  our  cradles,  let  it 
be  our  prayer  and  our  struggle  that  they  shall  float  over  our 
graves.  —  Joseph  Holt. 

Stand  by  the  flag,  its  folds  have  streamed  in  glory, 

To  foes  a  fear,  to  friends  a  festal  robe, 
And  spread  in  rhythmic  lines  the  sacred  story 

Of  freedom's  triumphs  over  all  the  globe ; 
Stand  by  the  flag,  on  land,  and  ocean  billow ; 

By  it  your  fathers  stood,  unmoved  and  true; 
Living,  defended ;  dying,  from  their  pillow, 

With  their  last  blessing,  pass'd  it  on  to  you. 

Stand  by  the  flag,  though  death  shots  round  it  rattle ; 

And  underneath  its  waving  folds  have  met, 
In  all  the  dread  array  of  sanguine  battle, 

The  quivering  lance  and  glittering  bayonet ; 
Stand  by  the  flag,  all  doubt  and  treason  scorning, 

Believe,  with  courage  firm  and  faith  sublime, 
That  it  will  float  until  the  eternal  morning 

Pales  in  its  glories  all  the  lights  of  time. 

—  Anonymous. 


How  does  the  Flag  appear  in  our  literature  f 

It  has  a  conspicuous  place  in  history,  and  forms 
the  subject  of  numerous  eloquent  passages  in  prose, 
and  of  many  beautiful  poems. 

Behold  it !  Listen  to  it !  Every  star  has  a  tongue ;  every 
stripe  is  articulate.  "  There  is  no  language  or  speech  where 


THE   FLAG.  47 

their  voices  are  not  heard."  There  is  magic  in  the  web  of  it. 
It  has  an  answer  for  every  question  of  duty.  It  has  a  solu- 
tion for  every  doubt  and  perplexity.  It  has  a  word  of  good 
cheer  for  every  hour  of  gloom  or  of  despondency.  Behold  it ! 
Listen  to  it !  It  speaks  of  earlier  and  of  later  struggles.  It 
speaks  of  victories,  and  sometimes  of  reverses,  on  the  sea  and 
on  the  land.  It  speaks  of  patriots  and  heroes  among  the  liv- 
ing and  the  dead.  But  before  all  and  above  all  other  associa- 
tions and  memories,  whether  of  glorious  men,  or  glorious  deeds, 
or  glorious  places,  its  voice  is  ever  of  Union  and  Liberty,  of 
the  Constitution  and  the  Laws.  —  Robert  C.  Winthrop. 

In  1777,  within  a  few  days  of  one  year  after  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  the  Congress  of  the  Colonies  assembled  and 
ordained 'this  glorious  national  flag  which  we  now  hold  and 
defend,  and  advanced  it  full  high  before  God  and  all  men,  as 
the  flag  of  liberty. 

It  was  no  holiday  flag  emblazoned  for  gayety  or  vanity.  It 
was  a  solemn  national  signal.  When  that  banner  first  un- 
rolled to  the  sun,  it  was  the  symbol  of  all  those  holy  truths 
and  purposes  which  brought  together  the  Colonial  American 
Congress !  Our  flag  means,  then,  all  that  our  fathers  meant 
in  the  Revolutionary  AVar ;  it  means  all  that  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  meant;  it  means  all  that  the  Constitution 
of  our  people,  organizing  for  justice,  for  liberty,  and  for  happi- 
ness, meant.  Our  flag  carries  American  ideas,  American  his- 
tory, and  American  feelings.  Beginning  with  the  colonies  and 
coining  down  to  our  time,  in  its  sacred  heraldry,  in  its  glorious 
insignia,  it  has  gathered  and  stored  chiefly  this  supreme  idea  — 
divine  right  of  liberty  in  man.  Every  color  means  liberty ; 
every  thread  means  liberty ;  every  form  of  star  and  beam  or 
stripe  of  light  means  liberty :  not  lawlessness,  not  license  j  but 


/>. 


48  PATKIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

organized,  institutional  liberty  —  liberty  through  law,  and  laws 
for  liberty. 

It  is  not  a  painted  rag.  It  is  a  whole  national  history.  It 
is  the  Constitution.  It  is  the  government.  It  is  the  free  peo- 
ple that  stand  in  the  government  on  the  Constitution.  Forget 
not  what  it  means ;  and  for  the  sake  of  its  ideas,  be  true  to 
your  country's  flag.  —  Henry  Ward  Beecher. 

Let  it  idly  droop  or  sway 

To  the  wind's  light  will ; 
Furl  its  stars,  or  float  in  day ; 

Flutter,  or  be  still ! 
It  has  held  its  colors  bright, 

Through  the  war  smoke  dun; 
Spotless  emblem  of  the  right, 

Whence  success  was  won. 

Let  it  droop,  but  not  too  long ! 

On  the  eager  wind 
Bid  it  wave,  to  shame  the  wrong ; 

To  inspire  mankind 
With  a  larger  human  love, 

AVith  a  truth  as  true 
As  the  heaven  that  broods  above 

Its  deep  field  of  blue.  —  Lucy  Larconi. 


Why  is  the  Eagle  used  as  a  national  symbol  ? 

The  custom  of  selecting  some  beast  or  bird  to 
typify  the  nation,  is  very  ancient,  very  common,  and 
very  suggestive.  England  has  chosen  the  Lion ; 


THE  FLA!!.  49 

Russia  the  Bear;  and  the  United  States  the  Eagle, 
which,  because  of  its  size,  its  strength,  its  beauty,  its 
sustained  and  lofty  flight,  and  its  piercing  vision,  is 
considered  the  noblest  of  birds.  It  is  a  fit  symbol  of 
freedom. 

When  Freedom  from  her  mountain  height 

Unfurled  her  standard  to  the  air, 
She  tore  the  azure  robe  of  night, 

And  set  the  stars  of  glory  there. 
She  mingled  with  its  gorgeous  dyes 
The  milky  baldric,  of  the  skies. 
And  striped  its  pure  celestial  while 
With  strcakings  <•!'  tin-  morning  light; 
Then,  from  his  mansion  in  the  sun, 
She  called  her  eagle  bearer  down, 
And  gave  into  his  mighty  hand 
The  symbol  of  her  chosen  land. 
Majestic  monarch  of  the  cloud, 

Who  rear'st  aloft  thy  regal  form, 
To  hear  the  tempest  trumpings  loud 
And  see  the  lightning  lances  driven, 

When  strive  the  warriors  of  the  storm, 
And  rolls  the  thunder  drum  of  heaven,  — 
Child  of  the  sun !  to  thee  'tis  given 

To  guard  the  banner  of  the  free ; 
To  hover  in  the  sulphur  smoke, 
To  ward  away  the  battle  stroke ; 
And  bid  its  blendings  shine  afar, 
Like  rainbows  011  the  clouds  of  war, 

Tin1  harbingers  of  victory! 

—  Joseph  R.  Drake. 

PAT.  CIT.  —  4 


50  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

Methinks  I  see  in  my  mind  a  noble  and  puissant  nation, 
rousing  herself  like  a  strong  man  after  sleep,  and  shaking  her 
invincible  locks ;  methinks  I  see  her  as  an  eagle,  inning  her 
mighty  youth,  and  kindling  her  uiidazzled  eyes  at  the  full  mid- 
day beam,  purging  and  unsealing  her  long-abused  sight  at  the 
fountain  itself  of  heavenly  radiance,  while  the  whole  noise  of 
timorous  and  nocking  birds,  with  those  also  that  love  the  twi- 
light, flutter  about,  amazed  at  what  she  means,  and  in  their 
envious  gabble  would  prognosticate  a  year  of  sects  and  schisms. 

—  John  Milton. 

I  build  my  nest  on  the  mountain's  crest, 
Where  the  wild  winds  rock  my  eaglets  to  rest, 
Where  the  lightnings  flash  and  the  thunders  crash, 
And  the  roaring  torrents  foam  and  dash ; 
For  my  spirit  free  henceforth  shall  be 
A  type  of  the  sons  of  Liberty. 

Away  I  spring  with  a  tireless  wing, 

On  a  feathery  cloud  I  poise  and  swing ; 

I  dart  down  the  steep  where  the  lightnings  leap, 

And  the  clear,  blue  canopy  swiftly  sweep ; 

For  dear  to  me  is  the  revelry 

Of  a  free  and  fearless  Liberty. 

Then  give  to  me  in  my  flights  to  see 

The  land  of  the  Pilgrims  ever  free ! 

And  I  never  will  rove  from  the  haunts  I  love, 

But  watch,  from  my  sentinel  track  above, 

Your  banner  free,  o'er  land  and  sea, 

And  exult  in  your  glorious  Liberty. 

—  Anonymous. 


THE   DISCOVERY. 


CHRISTOPHER     COLUMBUS. 


Columbus,    seeking1  the  back  door  of  Asia,  found  himself  knocking  at  the 
front  door  of  America.  — JAMES  RUSSELL  LOWELL. 


THE   DISCOVERY. 


What  is  meant  by  the  Discovery  of  America  ? 

Prior  to  the  fifteenth  century,  the  commerce  and 
intercourse  of  the  world  were  confined  chiefly  to 
the  inhabitants  of  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa.  The 
new  world  was  said  to  be  "discovered"  when  Co- 
lumbus visited  it  and  gave  an  account  of  it.  Hence- 
forth America  was  to  be  an  important  factor  in  the 
world's  history. 

The  fame  of  Columbus  is  not  local  or  limited.  It  does  not 
belong  1<>  any  single  country  or  people.  It  is  the  proud  pos- 
session of  the  whole  civilized  world.  In  all  the  transactions 
of  history  there  is  no  act  which  for  vastness  and  performance 
c;in  In-  compared  with  the  discovery  of  the  continent  of 
America,  "  the  like  of  which  was  never  done  by  any  man  in 
ancient  or  in  later  times."  — James  Grant  Wilson. 

Christopher  Columbus  died  still  holding  many  mistaken 
ideas  about  the  lands  he  had  discovered.  He  thought  Cuba  a 
part  of  the  mainland,  and  he  still  believed  the  mainland  to  be 
some  outlying  part  of  Asia;  while  the  more  civilized  lands,  he 

53 


54  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

imagined,  might  be  reached  by  a  strait  leading  into  some  inner 
sea  —  like  the  Mediterranean  in  Europe.  But  in  spite  of  his 
mistakes  in  geography,  Columbus  knew  perfectly  that  he  had 
made  a  very  great  discovery  and  earned  for  himself  a  glorious 
name.  —  Elizabeth  Eggleston  Seelye. 

Immortal  morn,  all  hail ! 
That  saw  Columbus  sail 

By  Faith  alone ! 
The  skies  before  him  bowed, 
Back  rolled  the  ocean  proud, 
And  every  lifting  cloud 

With  glory  shone. 

Fair  science  then  was  born, 
On  that  celestial  morn, 

Faith  dared  the  sea ; 
Triumphant  over  foes 
Then  Truth  immortal  rose, 
New  heavens  to  disclose, 

And  earth  to  free. 

Strong  Freedom  then  came  forth, 
To  liberate  the  earth 

And  crown  the  right ; 
So  walked  the  pilot  bold 
Upon  the  sea  of  gold, 
And  darkness  backward  rolled, 

And  there  was  light. 

—  Hezekiali  Butterworih. 

There  is  a  certain  immortality  in  a  great  deed,  like  that  of 
Columbus,  which  makes  the  doer,  even  though  in  many 
respects  an  ordinary  man  of  his  time,  forever  memorable. 


THE    DISCOVERY.  55 

The  discovery  of  America  has  been  called  the  greatest  event 
in  secular  history.  This  dictum  may  shock  the  ancients  and 
startle  the  moderns ;  but  let  the  minds  of  reflective  students 
range  at  will  through  the  centuries,  back  and  forth  in  the  gal- 
leries of  human  achievement,  and  determine  if  you  can  what 
single  secular  deed  even  approximates  in  grandeur  and  far- 
reaching  historic  significance  to  the  finding  of  a  new  world  on 
this  earth,  with  which  planet  alone  history  is  concerned.  The 
passage  of  Christopher  Columbus  across  the  western  sea, 
bearing  the  weight  of  Christendom  and  European  civilization, 
opened  the  way  for  the  greatest  migrations  in  human  history, 
for  the  steady  march  of  enlightened  nations  towards  civil  and 
religious  liberty.  The  discovery  of  America  was  the  first 
crossing  of  Oceanus,  that  great  and  murmuring  stream,  which 
flowed  around  the  old  Mediterranean  world.  Amid  the  groan- 
in--  mid  travailing  of  human  creatures,  men  burst  the  confines 
of  that  outward  sea  and  began  to  people  new  continents.  The 
modern  history  of  Europe,  with  its  long  exodus  of  hungry, 
landless  peoples,  with  its  epoch-making  laws,  its  revolution  in 
elimvli  and  state,  were  conditioned  by  that  one  secular  event, 
ealled  ihe  discovery  of  Amerieii.  —Herbert  B.  Adams. 


Give  some  account  of  the  Discovery. 

America  was  discovered  in  1492  by  Christopher 
Columbus,  a  native  of  Genoa,  Italy.  He  set  sail 
from  Spain  in  search  of  a  passage  to  the  East  Indies, 
and,  after  an  heroic  voyage  of  bold  adventure,  great 
peril,  and  distressing  hardships,  came  to  anchor  off 
the  coast  of  the  island  of  San  Salvador. 


56  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

With  boldness  unmatched,  with  faith  in  the  teachings  of 
science  and  of  revelation  immovable,  with  patience  and  perse- 
verence  that  knew  no  weariness,  with  superior  skill  as  a 
navigator  unquestioned,  and  with  a  lofty  courage  unrivaled  in 
the  history  of  the  race,  Columbus  sailed  from  Palos  on  the  3d 
of  August,  with  three  vessels,  the  largest  (his  flagship)  of  only 
ninety  feet  keel,  and  provided  with  four  masts,  eight  anchors, 
and  sixty-six  seamen.  Passing  the  Canaries  and  the  blazing 
peak  of  Teneriffe,  he  pushed  westward  into  the  "  sea  of  dark- 
ness," in  defiance  of  the  fierce  dragons  with  which  superstition 
had  peopled  it,  and  the  prayers  and  threats  of  his  mutinous 
seamen,  and  on  the  12th  of  October  landed  on  one  of  the 
Bahama  Islands.  —  Benson  J.  Lossing. 

With  all  the  visionary  fervor  of  his  imagination,  its  fondest 
dreams  fell  short  of  the  reality.  He  died  in  ignorance  of  the 
real  grandeur  of  his  discovery.  Until  his  last  breath  he  enter- 
tained the  idea  that  he  had  merely  opened  a  new  way  to  the 
old  resorts  of  opulent  commerce,  and  had  discovered  some  of 
the  wild  regions  of  the  East.  What  visions  of  glory  would 
have  broken  upon  his  mind,  could  he  have  known  that  he  had 
indeed  discovered  a  new  continent,  equal  to  the  old  world  in 
magnitude,  and  separated  by  two  vast  oceans,  from  all  the 
earth  hitherto  known  by  civilized  man  !  How  would  his  mag- 
nanimous spirit  have  been  consoled  amid  the  afflictions  of  age 
and  the  cares  of  penury,  the  neglect  of  a  fickle  public  and  the 
injustice  of  an  ungrateful  king,  could  he  have  anticipated  the 
splendid  empires  which  would  arise  in  the  beautiful  world  he 
had  discovered ;  and  the  nations,  and  tongues,  and  languages, 
which  were  to  fill  its  land  with  his  renown,  and  to  revere  and 
bless  his  name  to  the  latest  posterity. 

—  Washington  Irving. 


THE  DISCOVERY.  57 

Little  wonder  that  the  whole  world  takes  from  the  life  of 
Columbus  one  of  its  best-beloved  illustrations  of  the  absolute 
power  of  faith.  To  a  faithless  world  he  made  a  proposal,  and 
the  world  did  not  hear  it.  To  that  faithless  world  he  made  it 
again  and  again,  and  at  last  roused  the  world  to  ridicule  it  and 
to  contradict  it.  To  the  same  faithless  world  he  still  made  it 
year  after  year ;  and  at  last  the  world  said  that,  when  it  was 
ready,  it  would  try  if  he  were  right ;  to  which  his  only  reply 
is  that  he  is  ready  now,  that  the  world  must  send  him  now  on 
the  expedition  which  shall  show  whether  he  is  right  or  wrong. 
The  world,  tired  of  his  importunity,  consents,  unwillingly 
enough,  that  he  shall  try  the  experiment.  He  tries  it;  he 
succeeds;  and  the  world  turns  round  and  welcomes  him  with 
a  welcome  which  it  cannot  give  to  a  conqueror.  In  a  mo- 
ment the  grandeur  of  his  plans  is  admitted,  their  success  is 
acknowledged,  and  his  place  is  fixed  as  one  of  the  great 
men  of  history. 

Give  me  white  paper ! 

The  sheet  you  use  is  black  Lnd  rough  with  smears 
Of  sweat  and  grime  and  fraud  and  blood  and  tears, 
Crossed  with  the  story  of  men's  sins  and  fears, 
Of  battle  and  of  famine  all  those  years 

When  all  God's  children  have  forgot  their  birth 

And  drudged  and  fought  and  died  like  beasts  of  earth. 

Give  me  white  paper ! 

One  storm-t  rained  seaman  listened  to  the  word  ; 

What  no  man  saw  he  saw,  and  heard  what  no  man  heard. 
For  answer  he  compelled  the  sea 

To  eager  man  to  tell 

The  secret  she  had  kept  so  well  j 


58  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

Left  blood  and  woe  and  tyranny  behind, 
Sailing  still  West  that  land  newborn  to  find, 
For  all  mankind  the  unstained  page  unfurled 
Where  God  might  write  anew  the  story  of  the  world. 

—  Edward  Everett  Hale. 

The  Genoese  who  sailed 
A  westward  course,  in  the  wild  hope  to  find 

The  distant  Indies,  failed ; 
But  in  the  quest  for  the  rich  Orient 
He  touched  the  fringes  of  a  continent 
And  gained  a  nobler  blessing  for  his  kind ; 

Though  dying  unaware 
Of  the  full  fruitage  of  his  enterprise 

And  all  its  glory  rare, 
And  half  believing  Orinoco's  tide, 
Far  shining  through  the  tropic  forests  wide, 
The  stream  around  the  Earthly  Paradise. 

—  Joseph  O'Connor. 


Was  our  country  unknown  prior  to  1492  ? 

It  is  said  to  have  been  visited  by  Europeans  cen- 
turies before,  but  it  was  practically  an  unknown 
continent. 

So  far  as  Columbus  knew,  no  one  had  ever  crossed  the 
Atlantic  Ocean,  or  even  heard  that  it  had  any  west  coast  at 
all.  True,  Norsemen  had  long  before  crossed  northern  por- 
tions of  the  Atlantic  and  discovered  Iceland,  Greenland,  and 
Vinland.  But  there  is  no  evidence,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  that 
Columbus  had  ever  heard  of  these  discoveries.  No;  Columbus 


THE   DISCOVERY.  59 

was  inspired  by  faith,  not  by  sight,  not  even  by  science.  True, 
the  science  of  his  day,  in  admitting  that  the  earth  is  a  sphere, 
admitted  the  possibility  that  the  Atlantic  had  somewhere  a 
west  boundary,  having,  of  course,  an  east  coast.  But  the  possi- 
bility was  regarded  as  a  theory  rather  than  as  a  fact.  Whereas 
Columbus  believed  the  theory  to  be  a  fact;  and  he  believed  it 
so  supremely  that  he  devoted  all  the  resources  of  his  strong 
manhood  —  physical,  mental,  moral  —  to  the  discovery  of  that 
far-off  western  shore.  He  did  not  know  where  that  shore  lay, 
but  he  believed  that  it  lay  somewhere  westward.  And  so  what 
seemed  to  others  "the  sea  of  darkness"  seemed  to  Columbus  a 
sea  of  light.  To  cross  that  sea  and  find  that  unknown  coast, 
Columbus  felt  himself  divinely  called. 

—  George  Dana  Boardman. 

That  the  daring  barques  of  the  Northmen  had  long  before 
found  their  way  from  Greenland  to  the  coast  of  North  America 
is  likely,  though  not  certain.  What  is  certain  is  that  nothing 
more  came,  or  in  that  age  could  come,  of  their  visit  than  of  the 
visit  of  a  flock  of  sea  gulls.  The  basement  of  an  old  mill  at 
Newport,  which  they  turned  into  a  Norse  fortress ;  the  Dighton 
nn-k.  on  which  fancy  traced  Norse  rimes;  the  dykes  at  Water- 
town,  in  Massachusetts,  in  which  fancy  still  sees  the  defenses 
of  the  Norse  city  of  Norumbega,  only  attest  the  yearnings  of  a 
new  nation  for  antiquity.  —  Goldwin  Smith. 

He  failed.     He  reached  to  grasp  Hesperides, 
To  track  the  foot-course  of  the  sun,  that  flies 
Toward  some  far  western  couch,  and  watch  its  rise,  — 
But  fell  on  unknown  sand-reefs,  chains,  disease. 

He  won.     With  splendid  daring,  from  the  sea's 
Hard,  niggard  fist  he  plucked  the  glittering  prize, 


60  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP, 

And  gave  a  virgin  world  to  Europe's  eyes, 

Where  gold  dust  choked  the  streams,  and  spice  the  breeze. 

He  failed  fulfillment  of  the  task  he  planned, 
And  drooped  a  weary  head  on  empty  hand, 
Unconscious  of  the  vaster  deed  he'd  done ; 
But  royal  legacy  to  Ferdinand 
He  left,  —  a  key  to  doorways  gilt  with  sun,  — 
And  proudest  title  of  "  World-father  "  won ! 

—  George  W.   W.  Houyhton. 

Expeditions  to  the  shores  of  North  America  are  said  to  have 
gone  forth  from  the  British  Isles  in  very  ancient  times,  and 
even  in  advance  of  the  Northmen;  first  under  the  conduct  of 
Madoc,  a  prince  of  Wales,  and  afterwards  under  the  lead  of 
Irish  adventurers.  No  other  than  vague  traditionary  accounts 
of  these  expeditions  have  come  down  to  us,  but  records  of 
early  voyages  from  Iceland  have  been  found,  which  afford  the 
strongest  circumstantial  evidence  that  the  New  England  coast 
was  visited,  and  that  settlements  thereon  were  attempted  by 
Scandinavian  navigators  full  five  hundred  years  before  the 
first  voyage  of  Columbus.  —  George  II.  Preble. 


Wlto  dwelt  in  America  when  it  ivas  discovered  by 
Columbus  ? 

Wandering  tribes  of  red  men  called  Indians,  num- 
bering, perhaps,  half  a  million. 

They  were  called  Indians  because  the  first  discoverers 
believed  America  to  be  a  part  of  India.  There  were  between 
the  two  races  occasions  enough  for  quarreling.  Dishonest 


THE   DISCOVERY.  61 

white  men  were  sure  to  cheat  the  ignorant  Indians,  and  the 
violent  among  the  Indians  were  as  sure  to  revenge  themselves. 
If  an  Indian  suffered  wrong  from  one  white  man,  he  thought 
he  had  a  right  to  take  vengeance  on  any  man,  woman,  or  child 
of  the  white  race  when  he  had  opportunity. 

Many  of  the  Indians  were  reduced  to  perpetual  slavery. 
These  were  usually  the  captives  spared  after  Indian  wars. 
They  were  often  shipped  from  one  colony  to  another,  so  as 
to  remove  them  from  a  chance  of  communicating  with  wild 
Indians  who  spoke  the  same  language  or  belonged  to  allied 
tribes  with  themselves.  But  the  Indians  did  not  bear  slavery 
so  well  as  the  Africans,  and  the  most  of  them  perished  from 
hard  labor,  severe  punishment,  and  the  loss  of  the  liberty 
which  an  Indian  prizes  above  everything. 

—  Edward  Eggleston. 

When  was  the  red  man's  summer? 

When  the  rose 

Hung  its  first  banner  out?     When  the  gray  rock, 
Or  the  brown  heath,  the  radiant  kalmia  clothed'/ 
( )r  when  the  loiterer  by  the  reedy  brooks 
Start cil  to  see  the  proud  lobelia  glow 
Like  living  flume  ?     When  through  the  forest  gleain'cl 
Tin-  rhododendron?  or  the  fragrant  breath 
Of  the.  magnolia  swept  deliciously 
O'er  the  half  laden  nerve  ? 

No.     When  the  groves 
In  fleeting  colors  wrote  their  own  decay, 
And  leaves  fell  eddying  on  the  sharpened  blast 
That  sang  their  dirge;   when  o'er  their  rustling  bed 
The  red  deer  sprang,  or  fled  the  shrill-voiced  quail, 
Heavy  of  wing  and  fearful ;  when,  with  heart 


62  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

Foreboding  or  depressed,  the  white  man  mark'd 

The  signs  of  coining  winter :  then  began 

The  Indian's  joyous  season.     Then  the  haze, 

Soft  and  illusive  as  a  fairy  dream, 

Lapp'd  all  the  landscape  in  its  silvery  fold. 

The  quiet  rivers  that  were  wont  to  hide 

'Neath  shelving  banks,  beheld  their  course  betray 'd 

By  the  white  mist  that  o'er  their  foreheads  crept ; 

While  wrapped  in  morning  dreams,  the  sea  and  sky 

Slept  7neath  one  curtain,  as  if  both  were  merged 

In  the  same  element.     Slowly  the  sun, 

And  all  reluctantly,  the  spell  dissolved, 

And  then  it  took  upon  its  parting  wing 

A  rainbow  glory. 

Gorgeous  was  the  time, 
Yet  brief  as  gorgeous.     Beautifid  to  thee, 
Our  brother  hunter,  but  to  us  replete 
With  musing  thoughts  in  melancholy  train. 
Our  joys,  alas !  too  oft  were  woe  to  thee; 
Yet  ah !  poor  Indian,  whom  we  fain  would  drive 
Both  from  our  hearts  and  from  thy  father's  lands, 
The  perfect  year  doth  bear  thee  on  its  crown, 
And  when  we  would  forget,  repeat  thy  name. 

—  Lydia  H.  Siyourney. 

When  the  civilized  people  of  Europe  first  became  acquainted 
with  the  continents  of  North  and  South  America,  they  found 
them  inhabited  by  a  race  of  men  unlike  any  of  the  races  with 
which  they  were  familiar  in  the  old  world.  Between  the  vari- 
ous tribes  of  this  aboriginal  American  race,  except  in  the  sub- 
arctic region,  there  is  now  seen  to  be  a  physical  likeness,  such 
as  to  constitute  an  American  type  of  mankind  as  clearly  recog- 


THE   DISCOVERY.  63 

nizable  as  those  types  which  we  call  Mongolian  and  Malay, 
though  far  less  pronounced  than  such  types  as  the  Australian 
or  Negro.  The  most  obvious  characteristics  possessed  in  com- 
mon by  the  American  aborigines  are  the  copper-colored  or 
rather  the  cinnamon-colored  complexion,  along  with  the  high 
cheek  bones  and  small,  deep-set  eyes,  the  straight  black  hair, 
and  absence  or  scantiness  of  beard. 

With  regard  to  stature,  length  of  limbs,  massiveness  of 
frame,  and  shape  of  skull,  considerable  divergencies  may  be 
noticed  among  the  various  American  tribes,  as  indeed  is  also 
the  case  among  the  members  of  the  white  race  in  Europe,  and 
of  other  races.  With  regard  to  culture  the  differences  have 
been  considerable,  although,  with  two  or  three  apparent  but  not 
real  exceptions,  there  was  nothing  in  pre-Columbian  America 
that  could  be  properly  called  civilization  ;  the  general  condition 
of  the  people  ranged  all  the  way  from  savagery  to  barbarism  of 
a  high  type.  .  — John  Fiske. 

An  evil  day  came,  upon  us.  Your  fathers  crossed  the  great 
water,  and  landed  on  this  island.  Their  numbers  were  small. 
They  found  friends,  and  not  enemies.  They  told  us  they  had 
lied  from  their  own  country  for  fear  of  wicked  men,  and  had 
come  here  to  enjoy  their  religion.  They  asked  for  a  small 
seat.  We  took  pity  on  them;  granted  their  request;  and  they 
sat  down  amongst  us.  \Ve  gave  them  corn  and  meat;  they 
gave  us  poison  in  return.  — Red  Jacket  (1805). 


Give  some  further  account  of  the  Indians. 

The    Indians   were  a   barbarous,  nomadic   people, 
divided    into    tribes  which  were   often   at  war  with 


64  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

each  other.  They  had  no  written  language,  no 
schools  nor  churches,  no  central  government.  They 
had  crude  ideas  of  religion,  and  were  frequently 
cruel  in  war,  but  they  were  hospitable,  and  received 
the  white  invaders  of  their  country  kindly.  They 
were  well  treated  by  Roger  Williams,  William  Penn, 
and  George  Washington,  but  often  suffered  injustice 
and  wrong  from  their  white  neighbors,  and  from  the 
government. 

Two  centuries  ago,  the  smoke  of  their  wigwams  and  the 
fires  of  theil-  councils  rose  in  every  valley  from  Hudson's  Buy 
to  the  furthest  Florida,  from  the  ocean  to  the  Mississippi  and 
the  lakes.  The  shouts  of  victory  and  the  war  dance  rang 
through  the  mountains  and  the  glades.  The  thick  arrows  and 
the  deadly  tomahawk  whistled  through  the  forests ;  and  the 
hunter's  trace  and  the  dark  encampment  startled  the  wild 
beasts  in  their  lairs.  The  warriors  stood  forth  in  their  glory. 
The  young  listened  to  the  songs  of  other  days.  The  mothers 
played  with  their  infants,  and  gazed  on  the  scene  with  warm 
hopes  of  the  future.  The  aged  sat  down ;  but  they  wept  not. 
They  should  soon  be  at  rest  in  fairer  regions,  where  the  Great 
Spirit  dwelt,  in  a  home  prepared  for  the  brave,  beyond  the 
western  skies.  Braver  men  never  lived ;  truer  men  never 
drew  the  bow.  They  had  courage,  and  fortitude,  and  sagacity, 
and  perseverance  beyond  most  of  the  human  race.  They 
shrunk  from  no  dangers,  and  they  feared  no  hardships.  If 
they  had  the  vices  of  savage  life,  they  had  the  virtues  also. 
They  were  true  to  their  country,  their  friends,  and  their  homes. 
If  they  forgave  not  injury,  neither  did  they  forget,  kindness. 
If  their  vengeance  was  terrible,  their  fidelity  and  generosity 


THE    DISCOVERY.  65 

were  unconquerable  also.     Their  love,  like  their  hate,  stopped 
not  011  this  side  of  the  grave.  —Joseph  Ston/. 

With  a  strength  of  character  and  a  reach  of  intellect 
unknown  in  any  other  race  of  absolute  savages,  the  Indian 
united  many  traits,  some  of  them  honorable  and  some  degrad- 
ing to  humanity,  which  made  him  formidable  in  his  enmity, 
and  at  all  times  a  dangerous  neighbor;  cruel,  implacable, 
treacherous,  yet  not  without  a  few  of  the  better  qualities  of 
the  heart  and  the  head;  a  being  of  contrasts,  violent  in  his 
passions,  hasty  in  his  anger,  fixed  in  his  revenge,  yet  cool  in 
counsel,  seldom  betraying  his  plighted  honor,  hospitable,  some- 
times generous.  A  few  names  have  stood  out  among  them, 
which,  with  the  culture  of  civili/at ion,  might  have  been 
shining  stars  on  the  lists  of  recorded  fame.  Philip,  Pontiac, 
Sassacus,  if  the  genius  of  another  Homer  were  to  embalm 
their  memory,  might  rival  the  Hectors  and  Agamemnons  of 
heroic  renown,  scarcely  less  savage,  not  less  sagacious  or  brave. 

—  Jared  Sparks. 

See  our  William  Penn,  with  weaponless  hands,  sitting  down 
peaceably  with  his  followers  in  the  midst  of  savage  nations, 
whose  only  occupation  was  shedding  the  blood  of  their  fellow- 
men,  disarming  them  by  his  justice,  and  teaching  them,  for  the 
first  time,  to  view  a  si  runner  without  distrust.  See  them  bury 
their  tomahawks  in  his  presence,  so  deep  that  man  shall  never 
be  able  to  find  them  again.  See  them,  under  the  shade  of  the 
thick  groves  of  Quaquannock,  extend  the  bright  chain  of 
friendship,  and  solemnly  promise  to  preserve  it  as  long  as  the 
sun  and  moon  shall  endure.  See  him,  then,  with  his  compan- 
ions, establishing  his  commonwealth  on  the  sole  basis  of 
religion,  morality,  and  universal  love,  and  adopting,  as  the 

PAT.  C1T.  —  5 


66  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

fundamental  maxims  of  his  government,  the  rule  handed  down 
to  us  from  heaven,  "  Glory  to  God  in  the  highest,  and  011  earth 
peace,  good  will  towards  men."  —  Peter  S.  Duponceau. 

The  coming  of  the  white  people  made  great  changes  in  the 
Indian  life.  The  furs  and  skins,  which  the  Indians  did  not 
value,  except  for  necessary  clothing,  were  articles  of  luxury 
and  ornament  of  great  value  in  Europe.  Many  a  half-starved 
Indian  was  clothed  in  furs  that  a  European  prince  would  have 
prized.  The  savage  readily  exchanged  his  beautiful  beaver 
coat  for  a  bright  colored  blanket  and  thought  he  had  made  a 
good  bargain,  though  his  furs  were  worth  to  the  white  man  the 
price  of  many  blankets.  The  Indians  of  the  region  about 
Boston  were  pleased  with  the  trinkets  which  the  Plymouth 
Pilgrims  brought  them  on  a  trading  trip,  and  the  Indian  women 
even  made  themselves  garments  out  of  boughs  and  leaves,  like 
Mother  Eve,  that  they  might  trade  their  jackets  of  beaver  skin 
to  the  white  people  for  knickknacks. 

The  white  settlers  generally  bought  the  land  they  occupied 
from  the  Indians.  As  land  was  not  worth  much,  the  price  paid 
was  trifling.  Manhattan  Island,  on  which  New  York  now 
stands,  was  sold  to  the  Dutch,  by  the  Indians,  for  about 
twenty  dollars  in  trading  wares.  The  land  sales  made  trouble, 
for  the  lines  were  not  well  defined,  and  were  often  matters  of 
dispute.  The  Indians  did  not  understand  business,  and  they 
sometimes  had  to  be  paid  over  and  over  again  for  a  tract  of 
land.  —  Edivard  Eggleston. 

The  treatment  of  the  Indians  reflects  little  credit  on  the 
Western  settlers  who  have  come  in  contact  with  them,  and 
almost  as  little  on  the  Federal  government,  whose  efforts  to 
protect  them  have  been  often  foiled  by  the  faults  of  its  own 


THE    DISCOVERY.  67 

agents,  or  by  its  own  want  of  promptitude  and  foresight.  But 
the  wish  of  the  people  at  large  has  always  been  to  deal  with  the 
aborigines  generously  as  well  as  uprightly,  nor  have  appeals 
on  their  behalf  ever  failed  to  command  the  sympathy  and  assent 
of  the  country.  —  James  Bryce. 

Oh !  why  does  the  white  man  follow  my  path, 

Like  the  hound  on  the  tiger's  track? 
Docs  1he  Hush  on  my  dark  cheek  waken  his  wrath, — 

Does  he  covet  the  bow  at  my  back? 

He  has  rivers  and  seas,  where  the  billows  and  breeze 

Bear  riches  for  him  alone; 
And  the  sons  of  the  wood  never  plunge  in  the  flood, 

Which  the  white  man  calls  his  own. 

Why,  then,  should  he  come  to  the  streams  where  none 

But  the  red  man  dares  to  swim? 
Why,  why  should  he  wrong  the  hunter,  —  one 
\Yho  never  did  harm  to  him? 

The  F;it  her  above  thought  fit  to  give 

The  while  man  corn  and  wine; 
There  are  -olden  fields  where  he  may  live, 

Hut  the  forest  shades  are  mine. 

•    The  eagle  hath  its  place  of  rest ; 

The  wild  horse  —  where  to  dwell; 
And  the  Spirit  that  gave  the  bird  its  nest, 
Made  me  a  home  as  well. 

Then  back  !  go  back  from  the  red  man's  track ; 

For  the  hunter's  eyes  grow  dim. 
To  find  that  the  white  man  wrongs  the  one 

Who  never  did  harm  to  him.  — Eliza  Cook. 


68  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

What  is  the  present  policy  of  the  Government  in 
dealing  ivith  the  Indians? 

General  Grant,  while  President,  adopted  in  1870 
what  is  called  the  " Peace  Policy"  and  sought  to  treat 
the  Indians  justly  and  kindly.  Largely  through  the 
efforts  of  Henry  L.  Dawes,  then  a  United  States 
Senator  from  Massachusetts,  the  Government  has 
enabled  them  to  become  citizens,  and  has  made  liberal 

* 

provision  for  educating  their  children  and  youth.  The 
more  than  twenty-one  thousand  Indian  pupils  now 
in  school,  fed,  instructed,  and  well  cared  for,  growing 
up  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  all  the  privileges  of  the 
civilization  of  the  nineteenth  century,  may  well  con- 
trast their  lot  with  that  of  those  children  of  the  forest 
whom  Columbus  found  when  he  discovered  the  conti- 
nent, and  thank  the  great  Father  who  guided  to  our 
shores  the  frail  bark  of  the  bold  navigator. 

The  policy  under  which  we  are  acting  is  just  fifteen  years 
old ;  and  what  has  been  accomplished  in  that  time  ?  The  first 
sum  that  the  United  States  ever  took  out  of  its  own  money  for 
the  education  of  the  Indian  was  put  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Indian  Commissioner  in  the  year  1878,  and  it  was.  twenty 
thousand  dollars.  The  next  year  it  was  thirty  thousand  dol- 
lars, the  next  sixty  thousand,  and  last  year  it  was  two  millions 
and  a  quarter. 

In  that  fifteen  years  the  United  States  Treasury  has  ap- 
propriated about  seventeen  million  dollars  for  the  education 


THE   DISCOVERY.  69 

of  the  Indian  and  in  recognition  of  his  rights  in  this  land. 
The  people  of  the  United  States  have  forced  Congress  in' 
that  time  to  make  one  third  of  that  race  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  with  all-  the  rights,  privileges,  and  immunities, 
and  subject  to  all  the  obligations,  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States.  It  has  opened  to  them  all  the  courts,  guaranteed  to 
their  heirs,  according  to  the  statutes  of  the  states  in  which 
they  live,  the  descent  of  their  property,  defined  the  marriage 
relation,  defined  the  legitimacy  of  their  children.  It  has  put 
one  iliird  of  them  all,  in  these  fifteen  years,  on  an  equality  in 
every  respect  with  us,  so  that  they  enjoy  the  rights  which  you 
and  I  enjoy. 

Does  anybody  tell  me  that  any  other  undertaking,  depend- 
ing upon  an  association  of  labor  and  the  agitation  of  issues, 
lias  accomplished  more  in  the  last  fifteen  years  than  this 
work?  If  so,  I  should  like  to'  know  what  it  is. 

—  Henry  L.  Dawes. 

The  wild  \Yest,  and  the  buffalo  are  no  more;  the  Indian  is 
in  our  midst;  lie  cannot  escape;  we  hold  him  in  the  hollow  of 
onr  hand,  and  can  do  with  him  as  \ve  will.  We  have  abundant 
resources.  There  exists  but  this  alternative:  We  can  promptly 
give  him  a,  sound  education,  calculated  to  fit  him  for  the  duties 
of  civili/ed  life.,  —  such  an  education  as  Hampton,  Carlisle,  and 
similar  schools  give  Ilieir  pupils;  protect,  him  during  his  days 
of  pupilage  From  the  swift,  destructive  current  of  white  cupid- 
ity, and  then  allow  him  to  fade  naturally  into  the  prevailing 
color  of  our  ci  vili/.at  ion  ;  or  we  may  cling  to  our  old  plan  of 
indifference  and  procrastination,  the  government  yielding  to 
the  incessant,  demand  1'or  Indian  removals,  adopting  no  broad, 
consistent,  and  permanent  policy  of  education  and  admin- 
istration. 

:n 

^^_ 


70  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

The  result  of  the  latter  course  will  be  to  convert  our  Indian 
population  of  250,000  into  gypsy-like  vagrants,  beggars,  and 
prostitutes,  to  curse  and  pollute  the  border  population  with 
whom  they  mingle.  This  is  the  inevitable  result  which  will 
follow  when  the  present  island  reservations  of  the  Indians 
have  melted  into  the  sea  of  white  civilization  which  beats 
upon  them  from  British  America  to  Mexico  and  from  the 
Rocky  Mountains  to  the  Pacific.  — Herbert  Welsh. 

Missionary  work  among  the  Indians  requires  great  patience, 
and  it  will  not  do  suddenly  to  require  of  those  who  are  but 
children  in  civilized  industries  the  full  work  of  men.  But 
ideals  of  Christianity  do  apply  to  all  races,  and  do  take  hold 
on  them ;  and  this  is  the  glory  of  it.  If  anything  is  borne  in 
on  the  hearts  of  the  women  who  study  this  Indian  question,  it 
is  that  Christianity  is  meant  for  this  life.  It  is  to  apply  to 
all  the  needs  of  every  day.  If  it  will  not  touch  the  Indian 
question  and  meet  all  its  demands  it  is  not  what  we  need. 
Although  fifteen  years  in  Indian  work,  I  am  every  day  more 
and  more  impressed  with  the  results  of  the  simple  application 
of  Christian  principles  to  the  management  of  Indian  affairs. 
The  Indian  question  is  not  the  difficult  thing  it  is  thought 
to  be.  —  Amelia  8.  Quinton. 

Nothing  is  more  clear  than  that  the  Indians  should  be  edu- 
cated universally  and  by  compulsion.  This  is  justified  in  their 
case,  if  in  any.  Nothing  is  more  sure  than  that  they  ought  to 
be  compelled,  whenever  possible,  to  speak  the  English  lan- 
guage, and  that  they  ought  to  have  a  chance  to  be  educated  on 
higher  lines  where  they  are  fit  for  it.  Nothing  is  wiser  and 
sounder  Hum  the  proposition  that  the  Indian  should,  after 
receiving  his  education,  choose  his  home  anywhere  in  the 
Stiilcs. 


THE    DISCOVERY.  71 

The  Indian,  like  you  and  me,  should  be  taught  —  and  that 
is  what  I  teach  him  —  to  go  where  he  can  make  his  life  count 
for  the  most.  If  he  can  go  out  to  any  agency,  and  do  most 
good  there  as  a  light  and  influence  among  his  people,  I 
advise  him  to  go.  If  he  can  stay  in  the  East,  and  do  most 
good  among  the  whites,  I  advise  him  to  stay  here.  Let  him. 
do  as  he  likes,  let  him  follow  his  best  light,  and  he  will  not  go 
wrong. 

The  Indians  who  have  been  educated  show  that  they  are 
doing  about  the  right  thing.  Ask  any  intelligent  one  how  he 
can  make  the  best  use  of  the  light  God  has  given  him,  and 
he  will  give  you  a  good  answer.  —  Samuel  C.  Armstrong. 

The  great  forces  now  at  work ;  land  in  severalty,  with  its 
accompanying  dissolution  of  the  tribal  relation  and  breaking 
up  of  the  reservation ;  the  destruction  of  the  agency  system ; 
citizenship,  and  all  that  belongs  thereto  of  manhood,  —  indepen- 
dence, privilege  and  duty ;  education,  which  seeks  to  bring  the 
young  Indians  into  right  relationship  with  the  age  in  which 
they  live,  and  to  put  into  their  hands  the  tools  by  which  they 
may  gain  for  themselves  food  and  clothing  and  build  for 
themselves  homes,  will,  if  allowed  to  continue  undisturbed  a 
reasonable  length  of  time,  accomplish  their  magnificent  ends. 
They  should  be  fostered,  strengthened,  maintained,  and  allowed 
to  operate. 

Other  forces,  scarcely  less  powerful  than  these,  namely,  the 
progress  of  our  own  civilization,  which  is  invading  the  reserva- 
tions and  surrounding  the  Indians  on  every  side,  the  progress 
of  Christianity  through  the  active  missionary  efforts  of  the 
churches,  the  changed  conditions  which  have  forced  upon  the 
Indians  themselves  the  necessity  of  greater  efforts  towards 
self-help  and  improvement,  combine  and  cooperate  with  the 


72  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

organized  efforts  of  the  government  to  bring  about  their 
uplifting. 

How  long  it  will  take  for  the  work  to  be  completed,  de- 
pends partly  upon  the  wisdom  of  Congress  when  making 
necessary  laws,  partly  upon  the  will  of  the  Executive  in 
making  appointments  and  giving  direction  to  Indian  affairs, 
partly  upon  the  fidelity  and  intelligence  of  agents  and  others 
chosen  to  superintend  the  work,  partly  upon  the  vigor  and 
efficiency  of  the  schools  and  those  employed  to  teach  indus- 
tries, partly  upon  the  zeal  of  Christian  churches  and  humani- 
tarians, and  largely  upon  the  spirit  of  those  of  our  people  who 
find  themselves  in  face  to  face  relationship  with  Indian  fami- 
lies and  individuals  on  the  reservations  and  elsewhere.  It  is 
not  safe  to  prophesy,  and  in  view  of  the  past  hundred  years 
it  may  be  unwise  to  predict,  yet  I  will  venture  to  say  it  is  pos- 
sible, before  the  close  of  the  present  century,  to  carry  this 
matter  so  far  towards  its  final  consummation,  as  to  put  it 
beyond  the  range  of  anxiety. 

Not  everything  can  be  accomplished  within  that  time,  but 
enough  can  be  done,  so  that  the  Commissioner  who  writes 
the  seventieth  annual  report  can  speak  of  the  Indian  solution 
instead  of  the  Indian  problem.  —  T.  J.  M. 


THE    COLONISTS. 


LANDING    OF    THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PLYMOUTH,    MASS. 

Here,  on  this  rock,  and  on  this  sterile  soil, 

Began  the  kingdom  not  of  kings,  but  men  ; 

Began  the  making  of  the  world  again. 

Here  centuries  sank,  and  from  the  hither  brink 

A  new  world  reached  and  raised  an  old-world  link, 

When  English  hands,  by  wider  vision  taught, 

Threw  down  the  feudal  bars  the  Normans  brought, 

And  here  revived,  in  spite  of  sword  and  stake, 

Their  ancient  freedom  of  the  Wapentake. 

Here  struck  the  seed  —  the  HI  grim  s"  roofless  town, 

Where  equal  rights  and  equal  bonds  were  set; 

Where  all  the  people  equal-franchised  met; 

Where  doom  was  writ  of  privilege  and  crown , 

Where  human  breath  blew  all  the  idols  down ; 

Where  crests  were  naught,  where  vulture  flags  were  furled, 

And  common  men  began  to  own  the  world! 

—  JOHN  BOYLE  O'REILLY. 


THE   COLONISTS. 


Describe  the  Era  of  Colonization. 

It  began  with  the  landing  in  North  America  of 
the  first  permanent  European  settlers  in  the  early 
part  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  it  covered  a 
century  and  a  half.  It  was  a  period  of  extreme  toil, 
hardship,  suffering,  adventure,  courage,  and  triumph. 
No  portion  of  our  history  has  more  romance  and 
heroism,  and  none  is  more  worthy  of  study,  or  more 
helpful  to  patriotism. 

I  deem  it  a  great  tiling  for  a  nation,  in  all  the  periods  of  its 
fortunes,  to  be  able  to  look  back  to  a  race  of  founders,  and  a 
principle  of  institution  in  which  it  might  rationally  admire  the 
realized  idea  of  true  heroism.  That  felicity,  that  pride,  that 
help,  is  ours.  — Rufus  Choate. 

Our  fathers  have  been  ridiculed  as  an  uncouth  and  uncourtly 
generation.  And  it  must  be  admitted  that  they  were  not  as 
expert  in  the  graces  of  dress  and  the  etiquette  of  the  drawing 
room,  as  some  of  their  descendants.  But  neither  could  these 
have  felled  the  trees,  nor  guided  the  plow,  nor  spread  the 
sail,  which  they  did;  nor  braved  the  dangers  of  Indian  war- 

76 


76  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

fare ;  nor  displayed  the  wisdom  in  counsel  which  our  fathers 
displayed ;  and,  had  none  stepped  upon  the  Plymouth  rock  but 
such  effeminate  critics  as  these,  the  poor  natives  never  would 
have  mourned  their  wilderness  lost,  but  would  have  brushed 
them  from  the  land  as  they  would  brush  the  puny  insect  from 
their  faces ;  the  Pequods  would  have  slept  in  safety  that  night 
which  was  their  last,  and  no  intrepid  Mason  had  hung  upon 
their  rear,  and  driven  into  exile  the  panic-struck  fugitives. 

—  Lyman  Beecher. 

Behold !  they  come,  those  sainted  forms, 
Unshaken  through  the  strife  of  storms ; 
Heaven's  winter  cloud  hangs  coldly  down, 
And  earth  puts  on  its  rudest  frown ; 
But  colder,  ruder,  was  the  hand 
That  drove  them  from  their  own  fair  land ; 

Their  own  fair  land,  —  refinement's  chosen  seat, 

Art's  trophied  dwelling,  learning's  green  retreat, 

By  valor  guarded,  and  by  victory  crowned, 

For  all  but  gentle  charity  renowned. 

With  streaming  eye,  yet  steadfast  heart 
Even  from  that  land  they  dared  to  part, 

And  burst  each  tender  tie ; 
Haunts  where  their  sunny  youth  was  passed, 
Homes  where  they  fondly  hoped  at  last 

In  peaceful  age  to  die, 
Friends,  kindred,  comfort,  all  they  spurned,  — 

Their  fathers'  hallowed  graves,  — 
And  to  a  world  of  darkness  turned, 

Beyond  a  world  of  waves.         —  Charles  Sprague. 

Ah,  when  the  heroes  of  that  time 
Are  numbered  on  God's  book  sublime, 


THE   COLONISTS.  77 

High  011  the  roll  of  that  true  fame 
Many  a  gentle  woman's  name, 
Which  earth  had  cared  not  to  record, 
Shall  stand  writ  "Valiant  for  the  Lord." 

—  Elizabeth  Beecher  Hooker. 


What  were  the  early  settlers  of  America  called  ? 

Colonists,  because  they  founded  the  Colonies, — 
Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  Connecticut,  Rhode 
Island,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Dele- 
ware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
( '.t  i  ulina,  and  Georgia.  .  These  afterwards  became 
the  thirteen  original  states. 

New  Kngland  was  lirst,  planted  by  adventurers,  who  left 
Knghmd.  their  nat ive  country,  by  permission  of  King  Charles 
the  Kirst,  and  at  their  own  expense  transported  themselves  to 
America,  and,  with  great  risk  and  difficulty,  settled  among 
the  s:ivages,  and,  in  a  very  surprising  manner,  formed  new 
colonies  in  t  lie  wilderness.  l.el'ore  their  departure,  the  terms 
of  their  freedom  and  tin1  relation  they  should  stand  in  to  the 
mother  country,  were  fully  settled.  They  were  to  remain 
subject  to  the  king,  and  dependent  on  the  kingdom  of  Great 
Britain.  In  return  they  were  to  receive  protection,  and  enjoy 
all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  I'm  horn  Englishmen. 

—  Stephen  Hopl\  in  x. 

When,  in  the  reign  of  George  III.,  troubles  arose  between 

Kngland  and  her  North  American  colonists,  there  existed  along 
the  eastern  coast  of  the  Atlantic  thirteen  little  communities, 
the  largest  of  which  (Virginia)  had  not  much  more  than  half 


78  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

a  million  of  people,  and  the  total  population  of  which  did  not 
reach  three  millions.  All  owned  allegiance  to  the  British 
crown;  all,  except  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island,  received 
their  governors  from  the  crown ;  in  all,  causes  were  carried  by 
appeal  from  the  colonial  courts  to  the  English  Privy  Council. 

—  James  Bryce. 

That  which  more  than  all  things  else  determined  the  future 
of  this  country  was  the  number  of  colonies,  together  with  their 
general  similarity  and  their  important  differences.  If  there 
could  have  been  one  vast  colony,  under  one  government,  ex- 
tending along  the  whole  line  of  coast  from  the  French  pos- 
sessions to  the  Spanish  settlements  in  Florida,  it  might  have 
been  strong  and  prosperous  possibly,  but  the  present  United 
States  would  not  have  grown  up  on  such  a  foundation.  There 
was  a  necessity  of  just  such  a  series  of  colonies  as  were 
actually  planted,  all  animated  by  a  common  English  feeling 
and  speaking  the  common  English  tongue,  yet  settled  for 
different  reasons  and,  in  a  course  of  many  years  of  self- 
government,  developed  into  different  entities,  as  well  as  having 
distinctive  characteristics.  —  Theodore  D.  Woolsey. 


Where  did  the  Colonists  come  from  ? 

They  came  from  different  European  countries, 
chiefly  from  England.  The  basis  of  our  civilization 
is  Anglo-Saxon. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  is  the  representative  of  two  great  ideas, 
which  are  closely  related.  One  of  them  is  that  of  civil  lib- 
erty. Nearly  all  of  the  civil  liberty  of  the  world  is  enjoyed 


THE   COLONISTS.  79 

by  Anglo-Saxons:  the  English,  the  British  colonists,  and  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  —  Joxiah  Strong. 

Yon  are  blood  from  England !  bone  from  its  bone,  and  flesh 
from  its  flesh.  The  Anglo-Saxon  race  was  the  kernel  around 
which  gathered  this  glorious  fruit,  your  liepublic.  Every 
other  nationality  is  oppressed.  It  is  the  Anglo-Saxon  alone 
which  stands  high  in  its  independence.  You,  the  younger 
brother,  are  entirely  free,  because  republican.  They,  the 
elder  brother,  are  monarchical,  but  they  have  a  constitution, 
and  they  have  many  institutions  which  even  you  retain,  and 
by  retaining  them  have  proved  that  they  are  institutions  which 
are  congenial  to  freedom  and  dear  to  freemen.  The  free  press, 
the  jury,  free  speech,  the  freedom  of  association,  and  the  insti- 
tution of  municipalities,  the  share  of  the  people  in  the  legisla- 
ture, are  English  institutions;  the  inviolability  of  the  person 
and  the  inviolability  of  property  are  English  principles. 

—  Louis  Kossutli. 

The  Pilgrim  fathers  fled  from  persecution  in  England  to 
religious  liberty  in  Massachusetts.  The  Highlanders  who 
fought  for  Prince  Charles  Edward  Stuart  found  refuge  in 
North  Carolina.  The  Quakers,  to  be  free  from  their  tor- 
mentors, sailed  to  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey,  and  they 
received  there  with  open  arms  the  Germans  driven  from  the 
Palatinate  by  Louis  XIV.  The  Huguenots,  escaping  from 
France  after  the  revocation  of  the  edict  of  Nantes,  built  happy 
homes  on  the  Hudson,  and  under  the  shelter  of  the  groves  of 
South  Carolina.  Oglethorpe  led  the  Teutons,  seeking  an 
opportunity  to  worship  God  according  to  their  lights,  from 
Sal/burg  to  Georgia.  Irishmen,  saved  from  the  merciless  con- 
quests of  Cromwell,  scattered  all  over  the  land  to  consecrate 
their  altars  and  enjoy  in  safety  their  religion.  Dutch  Prot- 


80  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

estants  came  to  New  York,  Swedish  Protestants  to  Delaware, 
English  Catholics  to  Maryland,  and  the  English  Church  cava- 
liers to  Virginia.  —  Chauncey  M.  Depew. 

The  Pilgrims  who  settled  Plymouth  had  lived  twelve  years 
in  Holland.  The  Puritans  Avho  settled  Massachusetts  had  all 
their  lives  been  exposed  to  a  Netherland  influence,  and  some 
of  their  leaders  had  also  lived  in  Holland.  Thomas  Hooker, 
coming  from  Holland,  gave  life  to  Connecticut,  which  has 
been  well  called  the  typical  American  commonwealth.  Roger 
Williams,  who  founded  Rhode  Island,  was  so  much  of  a  Dutch 
scholar  that  he  taught  the  language  to  the  poet  Milton.  Penn, 
who  founded  Pennsylvania,  was  half  a  Dutchman.  New 
York  and  New  Jersey  were  settled  by  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company.  Pennsylvania,  which  contributed  largely  to  Ameri- 
can institutions,  Delaware,  and  New  Jersey  were  settled  by 
men  of  diverse  nationalities,  so  that  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
Revolution  probably  only  a  minority  of  their  inhabitants  were 
of  English  origin.  In  addition,  all  through  the  other  colonies 
were  scattered  large  numbers  of  Scotch-Irish,  French  Hugue- 
nots, Germans,  Irish,  Scotch,  Welsh,  and  Swedes,  counted  as 
English,  but  essentially  modifying  the  mass  of  the  population 
and  the  national  type.  —  Douglas  Campbell. 


What  prompted  the  Colonists  to  leave  their  native 
lands  to  settle  in  the  wilderness  and  brave  the  hard- 
ships of  a  new  country  f 

They  were  impelled  by  a  great  variety  of  motives, 
some  good,  some  bad.  Love  of  adventure,  desire  for 


THE   COLONISTS.  81 

gold,  curiosity,  and  a  wish  to  better  their  worldly 
fortunes  by  the  opportunities  offered  in  a  new  coun- 
try, prompted  many.  Others  were  influenced  by  a 
desire  for  greater  civil  and  religious  liberty,  which 
they  believed  could  be  more  easily  attained  in  America 
than  at  home. 

We  thought  we  might  more  glorify  God,  do  more  good  to 
our  country,  better  provide  for  our  posterity,  and  live  to  be 
more  refreshed  by  our  labors  than  ever  we. could  do  in  Holland, 
where  we  were.  —  i*<ln-ttr<1  \Vluslow. 

The  English  colonists  in  America,  generally  speaking,  were 
men  who  were  seeking  nr\v  homes  in  a  new  world.  They 
brought  with  them  their  families  and  all  that  was  most  dear 
to  them.  This  was  especially  the  case  with  the  colonists  of 
Plymouth  and  Massachusetts.  Many  of  them  were  educated 
men,  and  all  possessed  their  full  share,  according  to  their  social 
condition,  of  the  knowledge  and  attainments  of  that  age. 

—  Daniel  Webster. 

Look  at  the  people  of  New  England.  From  Britain,  their 
fathers  had  Hed  to  America  for  religion's  sake.  Religion  had 
taught  them  that  God  created  men  to  be  happy;  that  to  be 
happy  they  must  have  virtue;  that  virtue  is  not  to  be  attained 
without,  knowledge,  nor  knowledge  without  instruction,  nor 
public  instruction  without  free  schools,  nor  free  schools  without 
legi slat  i  ve  order.  —  Francis  Marion. 

Individuals,  led  on  by  an  ambitious  desire  to  improve  their 
personal  foil unes.  have  abandoned  the  home  of  their  fathers. 
None  of  these  motives  prompted  the  1 1  ugueiiot  ancestors  of  the 
people  of  Carolina  to  leave  t he  delight f id  hills  and  valleys  of 

PAT.  CIT. 0 


82  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

their  native  France.  They  were  no  instruments  in  the  hands 
of  ambitious  princes  for  the  increase  of  their  wealth  or  power. 
They  did  not  seek  a  home  in  America  through  mere  love  of 
adventure,  or  the  ordinary  inducements  of  pecuniary  gain. 
They  sought  an  asylum  from  persecution,  a  home  in  which 
they  might  enjoy,  unmolested,  the  sweets  of  political  and  per- 
sonal liberty.  They  longed  to  bear  away  their  altars  and  their 
faith  to  a  land  of  real  freedom,  a  land  allowing  free  scope  to 
the  exercise  of  conscience  in  worship  of  their  Maker. 

—  William  C.  Moragne. 

What  sought  they  thus  afar  ?     Bright  jewels  of  the  mine  ? 
The  wealth  of  seas,  the  spoils  of  war  ?  —  They  sought  a  faith's 

pure  shrine ! 

Ay,  call  it  holy  ground,  the  soil  where  first  they  trod ! 
They  have  left  unstained  what  there  they  found,  —  freedom  to 

worship  God !  —  Felicia  D.  Hemans. 


Who  were  the  Pilgrims? 

The  Pilgrims  were  English  people  ;  some,  having 
fled  from  their  native  country  to  Holland  to  escape 
religious  persecution,  came  to  America  (the  first 
party  of  them  in  the  Mayflower],  landing  at  Ply- 
mouth, Massachusetts,  in  1620. 

The  compact  signed  in  the  cabin  of  the  Mayflower  tells  the 
story  of  their  coming  hither.  A  band  of  exiles,  three  thou- 
sand miles  of  ocean  separating  them  from  the  land  of  their 
nativity,  and  the  unknown  and  unexplored  wilds  of  New  Eng- 
land to  be  from  thence  and  forevermore  their  home,  they 


THE   COLONISTS.  83 

declare  the  purpose  of  their  coming  "to  plant  a  colony  for  the 
glory  of  God,  the  advancement  of  the  Christian  faith,  and  the 
honor  of  their  king."  No  sordid  purpose  is  here  disclosed. 
In  these  words  and  lofty  sentiments  we  read  their  future 
history.  —  Waldo  Hatch  ins. 

In  the  name  of  God,  Amen ;  We,  whose  names  are  under- 
written, the  loyall  subjects  of  our  dread  soveraigne  King 
James,  by  the  grace  of  God,  of  Great  Britaine,  France,  and 
Ireland  King,  defender  of  the  faith,  etc.,  haveing  undertaken, 
for  the  glorie  of  God,  and  advancemente  of  the  Christian 
faith  and  honor  of  our  king  and  count  rie,  a  voyage  to  plant 
the  first  colonie  in  the  Northerns  parts  of  Virginia,  doe,  by 
these  presents,  solemnly  and  mutually,  in  the  presence  of  God, 
and  one  of  another,  covenant  and  combine  ourselves  together 
into  a  civill  body  politick,  for  our  better  ordering  and  preserva- 
tion and  furtherance  of  the  ends  aforesaid ;  and,  by  vertue 
heareof,  to  enacte,  constitute,  and  frame,  such  just  and  equal! 
laws,  ordenanrcs,  acts,  constitutions  and  offices,  from  time  to 
time,  as  shall  be  thought  most  meete  and  convenient  for  the 
generall  good  of  the  Colonie.  Unto  which  we  promise  all 
due  submission  and  obedience.  In  witnes  whereof  we  have 
hereunder  subscribed  our  names,  at  Cap  Codd,  the  llth  of 
November,  in  the  year  of  the  raigne  of  our  sovereigne  lord, 
King  James,  of  England,  France,  and  Ireland  the  eighteenth, 
and  of  Scotland  the  fifty-fourth,  Anno  Domini,  1620. 

—  The  Mayflower  Compact. 

Methinks  I  see  it  now,  that  one  solitary,  adventurous  vessel, 
the  Mayflower  of  a  forlorn  hope,  freighted  with  the  prospects 
of  a  future  state,  and  bound  across  the  unknown  sea.  I  behold 
it  pursuing,  with  a  thousand  misgivings,  the  uncertain,  the 
tedious  voyage.  Suns  rise  and  set,  and  weeks  and  months 


84  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

pass,  and  winter  surprises  them  on  the  deep,  but  brings  them 
not  the  sight  of  the  wished-for  shore.  I  see  them  now  scantily 
supplied  with  provisions ;  crowded  almost  to  suffocation  in 
their  ill-stored  prison ;  delayed  by  calms,  pursuing  a  circuitous 
route,  and  now  driven  in  fury  before  the  raging  tempest,  011 
the  high  and  giddy  waves.  The  awful  voice  of  the  storm 
howls  through  the  rigging.  The  laboring  masts  seem  strain- 
ing from  their  base;  the  dismal  sound  of  the  pumps  is  heard; 
the  ship  leaps,  as  it  were,  madly,  from  billow  to  billow;  the 
ocean  breaks  and  settles  with  engulfing  floods  over  the  floating 
deck,  and  beats  with  deadening,  shivering  weight  against  the 
staggered  vessel.  I  see  them,  escaped  from  these  perils,  pur- 
suing their  all  but  desperate  undertaking,  and  landing  at  last, 
after  five  months7  passage,  on  the  ice-clad  rocks  of  Plymouth, 
weak  and  weary  from  the  voyage,  poorly  armed,  scantily  pro- 
visioned, depending  on  the  charity  of  their  shipmaster  for  a 
draught  of  beer  on  board,  drinking  nothing  but  water  011 
shore,  without  shelter,  without  means,  surrounded  by  hostile 
tribes.  —  Edivard  Everett. 

The  voyage  of  the  Mayflower;  the  landing;  the  slow  win- 
ter's night  of  disease  and  famine  in  which  so  many,  the  good, 
the  beautiful,  the  brave,  sank  down  and  died,  giving  place  at 
last  to  the  spring-dawn  of  health  and  plenty,  —  come  before 
us.  The  meeting  with  the  old  red  race  on  the  hill  beyond  the 
brook ;  the  treaty  of  peace  unbroken  for  half  a  century ;  the 
organization  of  a  republican  form  of  government  in  the  May- 
flower's cabin ;  the  planting  of  these  kindred,  coeval,  and  aux- 
iliary institutions,  without  which  such  a  government  could  no 
more  live  than  the  uprooted  tree  can  put  forth  leaf  and  flower, 
—  come  before  us.  And  with  these  come  institutions  to  dif- 
fuse pure  religion,  good  learning,  austere  morality,  plain  liv- 


THE    COLONISTS.  85 

ing,  and  high  thinking ;  the  laying  deep  and  sure,  far  down  011 
1 1 1 « •  I! 01  -k  of  Ages,  the  foundation-stone  of  that  imperial  structure 
whose  dome  now  swells  towards  Heaven.  —  Rufus  Choate. 

New  occasions  teaeh  new  duties;  time  makes  ancient  good 
uncouth ; 

They  must  upward  still,  and  onward,  who  would  keep  abreast 
with  truth ; 

Lo,  before  us  gleam  her  camp-fires !  we  ourselves  must  Pil- 
grims be, 

Launch  our  Mayflower,  and  steer  boldly  through  the  desperate 
winter  sea, 

Nor  attempt  the  future's  portal  with  the  past's  blood-rusted 
key.  —  James  Russell  Lowell. 


Who  were  tin1  1'nrifnns? 

They,  too,  weiv  Knjisli  colonists  who,  dissatisfied 
with  the  established  church,  sought  to  maintain  in 
New  Kuo'hmd, —  \\hcre  they  were  in  the  majority, — 
a  simple,  consecmird.  rigorous  religious  life.  They 
emphasized  individual  ism. 

Tin-  Pilgrims  who  eame  over  in  the  M(U(llnn',-r  were  mainly 
equipped  wilh  ideas  and  household  furniture,  but  the  twenty 
thousand  Puritans  who  came  after,  brought  with  them  five 
hundred  thousand  pounds.  It  has  been  estimated  that  the 
equivalent,  would  be  in  our  time  not  less  than  fifteen  million 
dollars.  The  hislory  of  immigration  may  be  searched  in  vain 
Tor  any  parallel.  Tin -se  people  were  led  by  graduates  of 
Oxford  and  Cambridge.  They  were  educated  and  prosperous 
beyond  the  mass  of  their  countrymen.  There  were  no  idlers, 


86  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

nor  paupers,  nor  lepers,  nor  anarchists  among  them.  They 
were  one  and  all  workers.  They  came  to  find  homes  and 
build  a  state.  —  Chauncey  M.  Depew. 

Puritans,  so  named  from  their  demand  for  purity  in  the 
worship  of  God  and  in  the  administration  of  Christ's  ordi- 
nances. —  Leonard  Bacon. 

One  wishes  there  were  a  history  of  English  Puritanism, 
the  last  of  all  our  Heroisms.  Few  nobler  Heroisms,  at  bottom 
perhaps  no  nobler  Heroism  ever  transacted  itself  on  this  Earth. 

—  Thomas  Cartyle. 

The  strength  of  a  cause  under  God  is  the  number  of  people 
who  plant  themselves  down,  flat-footed  and  square-toed,  on 
distinct  moral  ground,  in  burning  love  to  men,  in  consuming 
loyalty  to  God,  and  with  a  prophetic  grip  on  the  great  years 
that  are  coming.  If  this  style  of  appeal  lies  suspiciously  close 
to  the  tone  of  old  Puritanism,  all  I  care  to  say  is,  would  to 
God  we  had  about  ten  thousand  Puritan  thoroughbreds  scat- 
tered all  the  way  from  Chicago  to  Manhattan  Island !  There 
would  be  a  shock  in  our  social,  our  religious,  our  national,  and 
our  municipal  life  that  would  send  off  divergent  lines  of  earth- 
quake to  the  four  quarters,  and  set  the  ground  quivering  clear 
through  to  China.  —  Charles  II.  ParJchurst. 


What  is  the  especial  distinction  of  the  Pilgrims  and 
the  Puritans  ? 

They  were  the  founders  of  the  New  England  civili- 
zation, and  have  had  a  very  great  influence  in  the 
development  of  our  national  character. 


THE   COLONISTS.  87 

The  principles  of  New  England  spread  at  first  to  the  neigh- 
boring states ;  then  they  passed  successively  to  the  more 
distant  ones;  and  at  length  they  imbued  the  whole  confedera- 
tion. They  now  extend  their  influence  beyond  its  limits  over 
the  whole  American  world.  The  civilization  of  New  England 
has  been  like  a  beacon  lit  upon  a  hill,  which,  after  it  has 
diffused  its  warmth  around,  tinges  the  distant  horizon  with 
its  glow.  — Alexis  C.  H.  C.  de  Tocqueville. 

The  New  England  stock,  strong  of  arms,  hard  of  head, 
stout  and  warm  of  heart,  have  left  an  impression,  strong  and 
clear,  on  every  page  of  our  nation's  fyistory,  whether  in  peace 
or  war,  whose  traces  may  be  found  on  every  valley  in  our 
country,  on  tli<>  slopes  or  in  the  recesses  of  our  every  mountain 
i-aii-c,  by  the  shores  of  every  lake,  and  along  all  the  great 
seas  that  wash  the  vast  continent  which  it  is  ours  to  occupy 
and  develop.  —  George  B.  McCldlan. 

The  Puritans  were  men  of  results.  They  were  successful 
in  their  undertakings.  They  cast  down  the  despotism  of  the 
Stuarts  and  saved  parliamentary  government  in  England. 
They  were  the  best  soldiers  and  the  best  sailors,  the  best 
colonists  and  the  most  prosperous  merchants  of  their  day. 
Their  marks  are  carved  deep  in  the  history  of  the  English- 
speaking  people.  You  may  see  them  still,  even  in  external 
tilings.  The  Sunday  observance  of  the  English-speaking  race 
is  the  Puritan  Sabbath,  and  the  New  England  Thanksgiving 
has  become  a  national  holiday.  — Henry  Cabot  Lodge. 

In  1647,  when  a  few  scattered  and  feeble  settlements,  almost 
buried  in  the  depths  of  the  forest,  were  all  that  constituted 
the  colony  of  Massachusetts ;  when  the  entire  population  con- 
sistcd  of  twenty-one  thousand  souls  ;  when  the  external  means 


88  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

of  the  people  were  small,  their  dwellings  humble,  and  their 
raiment  and  subsistence  scanty  and  homely ;  when  the  whole 
valuation  of  all  the  colonial  estates,  both  public  and  private, 
would  hardly  equal  the  inventory  of  many  a  private  individual 
at  the  present  day;  when  the  fierce  eye  of  the  savage  was 
nightly  seen  glaring  from  the  edge  of  the  surrounding  wilder- 
ness  and  no  defense  was  at  hand :  it  was  then,  amid  all  these 
privations  and  dangers,  that  the  Pilgrim  fathers  conceived  the 
magnificent  idea  of  a  free  and  universal  education  for  the 
people.  And  amid  all  their  poverty  they  stinted  themselves 
to  a  still  scantier  pittance;  amid  all  their  toils  they  imposed 
upon  themselves  still  more  burdensome  labors ;  amid  all  their 
perils  they  braved  still  greater  dangers,  that  they  might  find 
the  time  and  the  means  to  reduce  their  grand  conception  to 
practice.  —  Horace  Mann. 

All  the  early  settlers  of  New  England  paid  great  attention 
to  instructing  their  children ;  first  at  home,  or  in  the  ministers' 
houses,  and  then  in  public  schools.  In  1647,  the  Massachusetts 
Colony  passed  a  law  providing  that  every  township  of  fifty 
householders  should  appoint  a  schoolmaster  to  teach  the  chil- 
dren to  read  and  write ;  and  that  his  wages  should  be  paid  by 
the  parents,  or  the  public  at  large,  according  to  the  decision 
of  the  majority  of  the  inhabitants.  By  1665  every  town  in 
Massachusetts  had  a  common  school,  and,  if  it  contained  over 
one  hundred  inhabitants,  a  grammar  school.  The  other  New 
England  colonies  followed  in  the  wake  of  Massachusetts.  In 
Connecticut  every  town  that  did  not  keep  a  school  for  three 
months  in  the  year  was  liable  to*a  fine.  Meantime  the  Dutch 
had  established  free  schools  in  New  York.  This  was  the 
beginning  of  the  educational  system  of  the  United  States. 
Her  system  of  free  public  high  schools  is  a  growth  of  democ- 


THE   COLONISTS.  89 

racy  which  has  been  as  yet  achieved  in  none  of  the  older 
countries.  France  and  Germany  have  some  high  schools 
assisted  by  the  state,  but  America  is  the  only  country  in  the 
world  where  the  principle  is  fully  recognized  that  every 
person  is  entitled  to  receive  a  thorough  and  complete  edu- 
cation at  the  public  charge.  — Douglas  Campbell. 


What  institutions  did  the  New  England  Colonists 
especially  cherish  f 

The  Family,  the  School,  the  Church,  the  Town 
Meeting,  Trial  by  Jury,  and  the  Representative 
Legislature.  Our  system  of  free  public  schools,  now 
national,  originated  in  New  England. 

They  planted  the  church  and  the  schoolhouse  side  by  side 
to  strengthen  and  quicken  each  other ;  and,  though  they  were 
narrow  and  shortsighted  enough,  God  willed  that  their  intoler- 
ance and  their  bigotry  should  be  in  their  left  hand,  while  in 
their  right  they  held  the  torch  which  should  finally  light  the 
way  for  the  weakest  and  humblest  child  in  the  state  to  find 
the  truth  that  alone  can  make  him  free.  That  beacon  light 
was  the  public  school.  Knowledge  and  faith  were  the  banner 
words  of  our  ancestors  in  the  then  new  world. 

—  James  H.  Canfield. 

That  tenacity  of  purpose  with  which  a  few  settlers  in  the 
wilderness  held  on  to  the  idea  of  a  liberal  education,  in  spite  of 
their  scanty  crops  and  scantier  libraries,  their  wide  separation 
from  the  old-world  seats  of  learning,  and  their  lack  of  profes- 
sional teachers,  is  one  of  the  noblest  of  many  noble  traits 


90  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

possessed  by  our  forefathers,  who  were  never  so  weary  or  so 
poor  that  they  could  not  keep  alive  the  altar  fires  in  the  temples 
of  religion  and  of  learning.  —  Daniel  C.  Oilman. 

Two  divine  ideas  filled  their  great  hearts:  their  duty  to 
God  and  to  posterity.  For  the  one  they  built  the  church; 
for  the  other  they  opened  the  school.  Religion  and  knowl- 
edge !  Two  attributes  of  the  same  glorious  and  eternal  truth, 
and  that  truth  the  only  one  on  which  immortal  or  mortal  hap- 
piness can  be  securely  founded.  —  Horace  Mann. 

Trial  by  jury  is  a  guarantee  of  liberty  in  giving  the  people 
a  participation  in  the  administration  of  justice,  without  the 
ruin  and  horrors  of  an  administration  of  justice  by  a  multi- 
tude, as  it  was  in  Athens.  The  jury  is,  moreover,  the  best 
school  of  the  citizen,  both  for  teaching  him  his  rights  and  how 
to  protect  them,  and  for  practically  teaching  him  the  necessity 
of  law  and  government.  —  Francis  Lieber. 

Men  of  New  England,  preserve  the  schoolhouse  and  the 
town  meeting.  The  country  owes  you  much.  If  your  blood 
does  not  course  through  all  our  veins,  your  civilization  runs 
everywhere  throughout  the  Republic. 

"  Hold  fast  to  your  Puritan  heritage 
But  let  the  free  light  of  the  age 
Its  life,  its  hope,  and  sweetness  add 
To  the  sterner  faith  your  father  had." 

— .William  McKinley. 

The  republican  spirit  of  self-government  grew  up  under  the 
influence  of  a  number  of  free  institutions,  even  while  the  colo- 
nies were  yet  under  the  English  rule.  The  most  important  of 
these  institutions  were  :  — 

Inherited  traditional  protection  of  personal  freedom  by  the 


THE   COLONISTS.  91 

law  against  arbitrary  imprisonment ;  the  right  of  assembly  and 
the  right  of  petition,  as  they  were  developed  in  the  English 
common  law. 

The  right  of  trial  by  jury  in  civil  and  criminal  cases. 

The  assembling  of  free  men  within  the  town  and  county, 
and  at  first  also  within  the  colony,  to  discuss  and  take  meas- 
ures concerning  matters  of  general  interest. 

When  the  colonies  increased  in  population,  the  election  of 
representative  assemblies,  to  cooperate  in  statutory  legislation, 
in  the  imposition  of  taxes,  and  in  exercising  a  control  over  the 
administration. 

The  participation  of  prominent  citizens  in  administrative 
councils,  which,  together  with  the  governor,  looked  after  pub- 
lic affairs. 

The  early  creation  of  common  schools  and  the  making  of 
education  general. 

The  militia  system,  in  opposition  to  standing  armies. 

Self-taxation,  and  the  refusal  to  recognize  taxes  imposed  by 
authority  alone.  — Joltann  K. 


In  what  ivay  have  the  Pilgrims-  and  Puritans  influ- 
enced our  civilization  ? 

They  had  positive  convictions,  expressed  their 
opinions  with  force  and  persistency,  and  confirmed 
them  by  their  example.  They  were  religious,  cour- 
ageous, industrious,  thrifty,  self-reliant,  and  had  a 
genius  for  self-government.  These  marked  traits  of 
rlmracter  created  a  lasting  public  sentiment,  and 
gave  form  to  enduring  institutions. 


92  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

They  live  in  all  that  perpetuates  the  remembrance  of  men 
011  earth ;  in  the  recorded  •  proofs  of  their  own  great  actions, 
in  the  offspring  of  their  intellect,  in  the  deep  engraved  lines 
of  public  gratitude,  and  in  the  respect  and  homage  of  man- 
kind. They  live  in  their  example ;  and  they  live,  emphatically, 
and  will  live  in  the  influence  which  their  lives  and  efforts, 
their  principles  and  opinions,  now  exercise,  and  will  continue 
to  exercise,  on  the  affairs  of  men,  not  only  in  their  own  coun- 
try, but  throughout  the  civilized  world.  —  Daniel  Webster. 

When  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth  laid  down  the  law  of  self- 
government,  and  agreed  that  every  man  should  have  his  rights 
in  the  colony,  and  that  the  governor  should  be  chosen  by  the 
people  and  not  appointed  by  the  crown  ;  and  chose  John  Carver 
governor,  because  he  had  the  respect  of  the  people,  and  because 
they  knew  that  he  was  honest,  and  because  they  knew  he  was  a 
religious  man  and  a  Christian,  and  because  he  set  a  good  exam- 
ple to  the  boys  and  old  men,  it  was  they  who  set  the  example 
which  all  America  has  followed;  it  was  they  who  inspired 
that  great  vital  force  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  our 
Eepublic.  —  George  B.  Loring. 

Our  fathers  brought  with  them  from  England  two  priceless 
possessions  —  the  common  law  and  King  James'  Bible  —  the 
former  a  vital  organism,  not  of  symmetrical  form  and  graceful 
outline,  but  full  of  the  vigorous  sap  of  liberty  and  drawing  its 
growth  from  the  soil  of  the  popular  heart  —  the  latter,  apart 
from  its  transcendent  claims  as  the  revelation  of  God  to  man, 
in  a  purely  intellectual  aspect  the  most  precious  treasure  that 
any  modern  nation  enjoys,  preserving  as  it  does  our  noble 
language  at  its  best  point  of  growth  —  just  between  antique 
ruggedness  and  modern  refinement  —  embalming  immortal 
truths  in  words  simple,  strong,  and  sweet,  that  charm  the 


THE   COLONISTS.  93 

child  at  the  mother's  knee,  that  nerve  and  calm  the  soldier 
in  the  dread  half-hour  before  the  shock  of  battle,  that  com- 
fort and  sustain  the  soul  that  is  entering  upon  the  valley 
of  the  shadow  of  death.  The  progress  of  our  country  is  not 
traced  by  the  camp,  the  cafe,  the  theater,  and  the  prison,  but 
by  the  meetinghouse,  the  schoolhouse,  the  courthouse,  and 
the  ballot  box  —  all  the  legitimate  fruits  of  the  common  Bible 
and  the  common  law.  —  George  S.  Hillard. 

The  founders  of  Plymouth  set  up  a  religious  community 
with  commercial  purposes.  The  founders  of  New  Amsterdam 
set  up  a  commercial  community  with  religious  principles.' 
Both  carried  the  same  Ilible  and  worshiped  the  same  (lod; 
and  they  have  handed  down  to  us  traditions  of  religious 
fidelity  and  commercial  integrity  which  we  shall  do  well  to 
honor.  Let  us  see  to  it  that  amid  the  broadening  of  our 
enterprises  and  the  increase  of  our  wealth,  we  do  not  lose 
those  principles  of  uprightness  and  strict  justice  and  old- 
fashioned  honor  which  made  the  merchants  of  New  York  and 
New  Knghmd  respected  :m,i  renowned.  Above  all,  let  us 
remember  with  pride  and  loyalty  that  we  are  Americans. 

-J.  H.  Van  Dyke. 

They  took  with  them  the  principles  which  have  secured 
absolute  freedom  of  religions  thought,  and  made  our  kin 
beyond  the  sea  the  freest  of  all  the  peoples  earth  has  known. 

—  A.  M.  Fairbairn. 


Describe,  ////•  f/rowth  of  Liberty  among  the  colonies. 

They  were,  entirely  independent  of  each  other,  and 

were   separated    from    England,  the   seat  of  govern- 

^ 


\£«, 


94  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

meiit,  by  a  stormy,  dangerous  ocean,  requiring  weeks 
for  passage,  which  rendered  communication  slow  and 
uncertain ;  and  they  were  at  first  compelled  to  pro- 
vide for  their  own  defense  against  the  Indians,  and 
to  devise  all  the  details  of  local  government.  Thus 
the  love  of  freedom  grew  strong,  and  the  desire  for 
independence  increased. 

It  behooves  us  to  awake  and  advert  to  the  danger  we  are 
in.  The  tragedy  of  American  freedom,  it  is  to  be  feared,  is 
nearly  completed.  A  tyranny  seems  to  be  at  the  very  door. 
It  is  to  little  purpose,  then,  to  go  about  coolly  to  rehearse  the 
gradual  steps  that  have  been  taken,  the  means  that  have  been 
used,  and  the  instruments  employed  to  compass  the  ruin  of 
the  public  liberty.  We  know  them,  and  we  detest  them.  But 
what  will  this  avail,  if  we  have  not  courage  and  resolution  to 
prevent  the  completion  of  their  system  ? 

—  Samuel  Adams  (1771). 

That  the  sentiments  of  every  individual  concerning  that 
important  subject,  his  liberty,  might  be  known  and  regarded, 
meetings  have  been  held,  and  deliberations  been  carried  on,  in 
every  particular  district.  That  the  sentiments  of  all  those 
individuals  might  gradually  and  regularly  be  collected  into  a 
single  point,  and  the  conduct  of  each  be  inspired  and  directed 
by  the  result  of  the  whole  united ;  county  committees,  provin- 
cial conventions,  a  Continental  Congress,  have  been  appointed, 
have  met  and  resolved.  By  this  means,  a  chain,  —  more  ines- 
timable, and,  while  the  necessity  for  it  continues,  we  hope 
more  indissoluble,  than  one  of  gold,  —  a  chain  of  freedom  has 
been  formed,  of  which  every  individual  in  these  colonies,  who 


THE   COLONISTS.  95 

is  willing  to  preserve  the  greatest  of  human  blessings,  his  lib- 
erty, has  the  pleasure  of  beholding  himself  a  link. 

—  James  Wilson  (1775). 

The  time  will  certainly  come  when  the  fated  separation 
between  the  mother  country  and  these  colonies  must  take  place, 
whether  you  will  or  no,  for  it  is  so  decreed  by  the  very  nature 
of  things,  by  the  progressive  increase  of  our  population,  the 
fertility  of  our  soil,  the  extent  of  our  territory,  the  industry 
of  our  countrymen,  and  the  immensity  of  the  ocean  which 
separates  the  two  countries. 

And  if  this  be  true,  as  it  is  most  true,  who  does  not  see 
that  the  sooner  it  takes  place  the  better  ?  —  that  it  would 
be  the  height  of  folly  not  to  seize  the  present  occasion,  when 
British  injustice-  has  filled  all  hearts  with  indignation,  in- 
spired all  minds  with  courage,  united  all  opinions  in  one, 
and  put  arms  in  every  hand  ?  And  how  long  must  we 
t  ra verse  three  thousand  miles  of  a  stormy  sea  to  solicit  of 
arrogant  and  insolent  men  either  counsel,  or  commands  to 
regulate  our  domestic  affairs?  From  what  we  have  already 
achieved  it  is  easy  to  presume  what  we  shall  hereafter  ac- 
complish. Experience  is  the  source  of  sage  counsels,  ami 
liberty  is  the  mother  of  great  men.  Have  you  not  seen  the 
enemy  driven  from  Lexington  by  citizens  armed  and  assem- 
bled in  one  day  ?  Already  their  most  celebrated  generals  have 
yielded  in  Boston  to  the  skill  of  ours.  Already  their  seamen, 
repulsed  from  our  coasts,  wander  over  the  ocean,  the  sport  of 
tempests  and  the  prey  of  famine.  Let  us  hail  the  favorable 
omen,  and  fight,  not  for  the  sake  of  knowing  on  what  terms 
\\c  are  to  be  the  slaves  of  England, -but  to  secure  to  ourselves 
a  free  existence,  to  found  a  just  and  independent  government. 

—  Richard  H.  Lee  (1776). 


96  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

In  1760  there  was  an  attempt  in  Boston  to  collect  duties  on 
foreign  sugar  and  molasses  imported  into  the  colonies.  Writs 
of  assistance  were  applied  for  by  the  customhouse  officers 
authorizing  them  to  break  open  ships,  stores,  and  private 
dwellings,  in  quest  of  articles  that  had  paid  no  duty ;  and  to 
call  the  assistance  of  others  in  the  discharge  of  their  odious 
task.  The  merchants  opposed  the  execution  of  the  writ  on 
constitutional  grounds.  The  question  was  argued  in  court, 
where  James  Otis  spoke  so  eloquently  in  vindication  of  Ameri- 
can rights,  that  all  his  hearers  went  away  ready  to  take  up 
arms  against  writs  of  assistance.  "  Then  and  there,'7  says 
John  Adams,  who  was  present,  "  was  the  first  scene  of  opposi- 
tion to  the  arbitrary  claims  of  Great  Britain.  Then  and  there 
American  Independence  was  born."  —  John  Fiske. 


Was  the  spirit  of  Liberty  confined  to  any  one  colony  f 

No?  it  existed  in  different  degrees  in  all  of  them, 
making  itself  especially  manifest  in  Massachusetts 
and  Virginia. 

The  voice  of  Patrick  Henry  from  the  mountains  answered 
that  of  James  Otis  by  the  sea.  Paul  Revere's  lantern  shone 
along  through  the  valley  of  the  Hudson,  and  flashed  along  the 
cliffs  of  the  Blue  Ridge.  The  scattering  volley  of  Lexington 
green  swelled  to  the  triumphant  thunder  of  Saratoga,  and  the 
reverberation  of  Burgoyne's  falling  arms  in  New  York  shook 
those  of  Cornwallis  in  Virginia  from  his  hands.  Doubts,  jeal- 
ousies, prejudices,  were  merged  in  one  common  devotion.  The 
union  of  the  colonies  to  secure  liberty,  foretold  the  union  of 
the  states  to  maintain  it,  and  wherever  we  stand  on  Revolu- 


THE   COLONISTS.  97 

tionary  fields,  or  inhale  the  sweetness  of  Revolutionary  memo- 
ries, we  tread  the  ground  and  breathe  the  air  of  invincible 
national  union.  —  George  W.  Curtis. 

Who  forgets  that  while  that  resistance  was  first  brought  to 
a  practical  test  in  New  England,  at  Lexington  and  Concord 
and  Bunker  Hill,  Fortune  reserved  for  Yorktown  of  Virginia 
the  last  crowning  battle  of  Independence  ?  Who  forgets  that 
while  the  hand  by  which  the  original  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence was  drafted,  was  furnished  by  Virginia,  the  tongue 
by  which  the  adoption  of  that  instrument  was  defended  and 
secured,  was  furnished  by  New  England,  —  a  bond  of  common 
glory,  upon  which  not  Death  alone  seemed  to  set  his  seal,  but 
Deity,  I  had  almost  said,  to  affix  an  immortal  sanction,  when 
the  spirits  by  which  that  hand  and  voice  were  moved,  were 
caught  up  together  to  the  clouds  on  the  same  great  Day  of  the 
Nation's  Jubilee.  —  Robert  C.  Winthrop. 

It  was  the  most  remarkable  fact  of  the  Revolutionary  War 
and  of  the  formation  of  state  and  national  governments,  that 
although  the  colonists  were  of  different  lineages  and  languages, 
living  under  different  climates,  with  varied  pursuits  and  forms 
of  labor,  cut  off  from  intercourse  by  distance,  yet,  in  spite 
of  all  these  obstacles  to  accord,  they  were  from  the  outset 
animated  by  common  views,  feelings,  and  purposes.  -When 
the  independence  was  gained,  they  were  able,  after  a  few  weeks 
spent  in  consultation,  to  form  the  Constitution  under  which  we 
have  lived  for  nearly  one  hundred  years.  [1877.]  There  can 
be  no  stronger  proof  that  American  institutions  were  born  and 
shaped  by  American  necessities.  This  fact  should  give  us  new 
faith  in  the  lasting  nature  of  our  government. 

—  Horatio  Seymour. 

PAT.  CIT.  —  7 


98  I'ATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP., 

What  was  the  conduct  of  the  South  during  the  Eevolution  ? 
I  honor  New  England  for  her  conduct  in  that  glorious  struggle. 
But  great  as  is  the  praise  which  belongs  to  her,  I  think  at  least 
equal  honor  is  due  to  the  South.  They  espoused  the  quarrel 
of  their  brethren,  with  a  generous  zeal,  which  did  not  suffer 
them  to  stop  to  calculate  their  interest  in  the  dispute.  Favor- 
ites of  the  mother  country,  possessed  of  neither  ships  nor 
seamen  to  create  a  commercial  rivalship,  they  might  have 
found  in  their  situation  a  guarantee  that  their  trade  would  be 
forever  fostered  and  protected  by  Great  Britain.  But,  tram- 
pling on  all  considerations  either  of  interest  or  of  safety,  they 
rushed  into  the  conflict,  and,  fighting  for  principle,  periled  all 
in  the  sacred  cause  of  freedom.  —  JKobert  Y.  Hayne. 


Describe  the  Government  of  the  colonies. 

There  was  considerable  variety  in  the  details  of 
government  in  the  several  Colonies,  but  an  ever- 
increasing  tendency  toward  complete  republicanism. 
The  growing  spirit  of  liberty  was  often  checked  by 
the  arbitrary  acts  of  the  king.  The  common  law  of 
England  was  followed  by  the  courts  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice. 

In  all  the  thirteen  states  the  common  law  of  England  re- 
mained in  force,  as  it  does  to  this  day  save  where  modified  by 
statute.  —  John  Fiske. 

Common  law  is  an  unwritten  law  which  receives  its  binding 
force  from  immemorial  usage  and  universal  reception,  in  dis- 


THE'  COLONISTS.  99 

tinction  from  the  written  or  statute  law.  Its  rules  or  princi- 
ples are  to  be  found  only  in  the  works  of  institutional  writers ; 
in  the  records  of  courts,  and  in  the  reports  of  judicial  deci- 
sions, and  it  is  overruled  by  the  statute  law. 

—  John  W.  Clampitt. 

There  were  three  forms  of  government  in  America: 
"  royal,"  "  charter,"  and  "  proprietary."  Each  of  the  thirteen 
colonies  had  a  legislative  body.  These  were  divided  into  two 
houses.  There  was  a  Lower  House,  or  Assembly,  elected  by 
the  people.  Members  of  the  Upper  House,  or  Council,  were 
elected  by  the  king  in  the  royal  colonies,  and  by  the  proprie- 
tary iii  the  proprietary  colonies.  In  the  charter  colonies, 
governors  and  members  of  the  Council  were  elected  by  the 
Assembly.  —  Edward  Eggleston. 

When  the  time  came  for  the  organization  of  a  new  govern- 
ment, the  people  were  prepared  for  a  popular  form,  such  as  the 
nation  now  has.  AVitli  the  exception  of  Georgia,  all  the  colo- 
nies had  enjoyed  something  of  a  popular  form  of  government, 
and  most  of  them  had  felt  the  satisfaction  that  results  from  a 
legislature  elected  by  the  people  and  responsible  to  them. 

Some  of  them  had  even  had  a  double  legislature,  though 
in  a  crude  form,  the  Council  being  a  sort  of  upper  house  in 
some  of  the  colonies.  Three  had  tried  a  pure  democracy,  for 
a  time.  Most  of  them,  by  cooperation  with  sister  colonies, 
had  known  by  experience  that  "in  union  there  is  strength," 
and  this  had  been  more  fully  impressed  during  the  strug- 
gle for  independence.  That  last  great  struggle  had  taught 
them  the  necessity  for  an  executive  and  a  judicial  department 
of  the  government. 

The  Colonial  Congress  and  the  Continental  Congresses 
were  felt  to  have  been,  as  they  really  were,  but  committee- 


100  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

delegates  from  the  colonies  for  advice.  A  confederacy  had 
been  tried ;  its  defects  were  found  to  be  serious.  The  people 
were  prepared  for  a  union  of  the  colonies  into  a  nation,  having 
all  the  semblance,  character,  and  powers  of  a  nation.  The 
people  were  prepared,  also,  to  insist,  if  need  be,  upon  a  form 
of  government  in  which  all  political  power  should  reside  in 
themselves. 

Having  tasted,  though  but  daintily,  of  the  sweets  of  a 
government  free  from  hereditary  rulers,  and  without  the  re- 
straints and  oppressions  of  arbitrary  authority,  they  were 
prepared  for  a  government  of  the  people,  to  be  administered 
by  the  people  and  for  the  people.  We  see,  as  we  study  the 
provisions  of  the  Constitution,  how  they  wrought  out  the  idea 
of  nationality  and  of  freedom,  which  had  been  growing  for 
more  than  a  century.  —  M.  B.  G.  True. 


THE    REVOLUTION, 


INDEPENDENCE    HALL. 


Through  the  chances  and  changes  of  vanished  years 

Our  thoughts  go  back  to  the  olden  time, 
When  hearts  were  thrilling  with  hopes  and  fears, 

And  the  Fourth  of  July  was  made  sublime 
By  the  vow  that  an  earnest  people  spoke 
To  free  their  land  from  the  foreign  yoke. 

—  LOUISE  C.  MOULTON. 


THE  REVOLUTION. 


What  is  meant  by  the  American  Revolution  f 

This  phrase  describes  the  third  great  stage,  —  the 
Discovery  and  Colonization  preceding,  —  in  the  devel- 
opment of  our  national  life.  The  English  colonies, 
dependent  upon  the  crown,  became  an  independent 
republic  —  the  United  States  of  America.  The 
American  Revolution  signifies  the  birth  of  a  new 
nation. 

By  that  Revolution  the  English  nation  was  divided.  It  was 
still  one  race,  but  two  nations,  an  instance  where  to  divide  was 
to  multiply,  and  with  that  event  Anglo-Saxon  civilization 
entered  upon  the  conquest  of  the  world.  —  John  R.  Green. 

The  founders  of  our  commonwealth  conceived  that  the 
people  of  these  colonies  needed  no  interception  of  the  supreme 
control  of  their  own  affairs,  no  conciliations  of  mere  names  and 
images  of  power  from  which  the  pith  and  vigor  of  authority 
had  departed.  They,  therefore,  did  not  hesitate  to  throw  down 
the  partitions  of  power  and  i-i-lit.  and  break  up  the  distributive 
shares  in  authority  of  ranks  and  orders  of  men,  which  indeed 
had  ruled  and  advanced  the  development  of  society  in  civil  and 

103 


104  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

religious  liberty,  but  might  well  be  neglected  when  the  pro- 
tected growth  was  assured,  and  all  tutelary  supervision  for  this 
reason  henceforth  could  only  be  obstructive  and  incongruous. 

—  William  M.  Evarts. 

The  war  of  the  Revolution  was  inevitable.  It  was  the 
natural  outgrowth  of  the  lives  the  early  settlers  lived  during 
the  colonial  period.  It  was  a  time  of  struggle  and  dependence 
—  "  the  childhood  of  the  future  nation."  It  was  the  protest  of 
individual  liberty  and  enlightened  conscience  against  arbitrary 
power.  —  Waldo  Hutchins. 

The  American  Revolution,  essaying  to  unfold  the  principles 
which  organized  its  events,  and  bound  to  keep  faith  with  the 
ashes  of  its  heroes,  was  most  radical  in  its  character,  yet 
achieved  with  such  benign  tranquillity  that  even  conservatism 
hesitated  to  censure.  A  civil  war  armed  men  of  the  same 
ancestry  against  each  other,  yet  for  the  advancement  of  the 
principles  of  everlasting  peace  and  universal  brotherhood.  A 
new  plebeian  democracy  took  its  place  by  the  side  of  the 
proudest  empires.  Religion  was  disenthralled  from  civil  insti- 
tutions; thought  obtained  for  itself  free  utterance  by  speech 
and  by  the  press;  industry  was  commissioned  to  follow  the 
bent  of  its  own  genius ;  the  system  of  commercial  restrictions 
between  states  was  reprobated  and  shattered ;  and  the  oceans 
were  enfranchised  for  every  peaceful  keel.  International  law 
was  humanized  and  softened;  and  a  new,  milder,  and  more 
just  maritime  code  was  concerted  and  enforced.  The  trade  in 
slaves  was  branded  and  restrained.  The  language  of  Bacon 
and  Milton,  of  Chatham  and  Washington,  became  so  diffused 
that,  in  every  zone,  and  almost  in  every  longitude,  childhood 
lisps  the  English  as  its  mother  tongue.  The  equality  of  all 
men  was  declared,  personal  freedom  secured  in  its  complete 


THE    REVOLUTION. 


105 


individuality,  and  common  consent  recognized  as  the  only  just 
origin  of  fundamental  laws,  so  that  in  thirteen  separate  states, 
with  r.mple  territory  for  creating  more,  the  inhabitants  of  each 
formed  their  own  political  institutions.  By  the  side  of  the 
principle  of  the  freedom  of  the  individual  and  the  freedom  of 
the  separate  states,  the  noblest  work  of  human  intellect  was 
consummated  in  a  federal  union  ;  and  that  union  put  away 
every  motive  to  its  destruction  by  insuring  to  each  successive 
generation  the  right  to  amend  its  ( 'onstitution  according  to  the 
increasing  intelligence  of  the  living  people. 

—  George  Bancroft. 


Give   some   account   of   the   Declaration   of   Inde- 
pendence. 

On  July  Fourth,  1776,  in  Philadelphia,  Pennsyl- 
vania, the  Continental  Congress, 
composed  of  representatives  of  the 
thirteen  colonies,  adopted  a  paper 
written  by  Thomas  Jefferson. 
known  as  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence. Its  adoption  was  her- 
alded by  the  rin^in^  of  the  lib- 
erty bell,  which  liun^  in  the  tower 
of  Independence  Hall. 


LIBERTY    BELL. 


The    Declaration    ought  to  be   hung   up    in   tin1   nursery  oi? 
every  king,  and  blazoned  on  the  poivh  of  every  palace. 

—  TJwmas  II.  Buckle. 


106  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

There  was  a  time  when  the  echo  of  that  Bell  awoke  a  world 
slumbering  in  tyranny  and  crime.  —  George  Lippard. 

The  United  States  is  the  only  country  with  a  known  birth- 
day. All  the  rest  began,  they  know  not  when,  and  grew  into 
power,  they  knew  not  how.  If  there  had  been  no  Independ- 
ence Day,  England  and  America  combined  would  not  be  so 
great  as  each  actually  is.  There  is  no  "  Kepublican,"  no 
"  Democrat "  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  —  all  are  Americans.  All 
feel  that  their  country  is  greater  than  party. 

—  James  G.  Elaine. 

It  is  the  day  of  the  year ;  it  is  the  day  of  our  country ;  nay, 
it  is  the  day  of  the  world.  It  commemorates  the  period  when 
the  only  true  republican  government  was  ever  founded  on 
earth.  Ours  is  a  republican  government  in  essence  and  in 
spirit,  and  could  it  be  administered  in  the  very  spirit  which  it 
contains,  and  carry  out  truthfully  and  correctly  the  views  of 
its  founders,  it  would  be  a  perfect  government ;  but  it  is  some- 
times misgoverned  and  mismanaged  and  seems  somewhat  to 
fail  in  the  true  object  for  which  it  was  instituted. 

—  Hannibal  Hamlin. 

Liberty  and  union,  now  and  forever,  one  and  inseparable, 
was  the  constant  aspiration  of  the  great  men  who  framed  the 
Declaration,  and  of  Washington  and  his  compeers,  who  fought 
the  battles  of  the  Union.  —  John  Sherman. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  is  one  of  the  most  solemn 
and  memorable  professions  of  political  faith  that  ever  ema- 
nated from  the  leading  minds  of  any  country.  It  has  exerted 
as  much  influence  in  foreshadowing  the  spirit  and  character  of 


THE    REVOLUTION.  107 

our  Constitution  and  public  policy  as  Magna  Charta  exercised 
on  the  Constitution  of  Great  Britain.          —  James  Gibbons. 

Not  yet  was  the  fighting  over  and  past  — 
Years  more  of  trial  and  struggle  must  be  — 

But  the  Nation's  life  was  that  day  forecast, 
And  the  peace  and  triumph  of  'Eighty-three 

With  that  earlier  day  must  still  be  wed 

When  the  Declaration  first  was  read  — 

That  day  when  the  people  resolved  to  be  free, 
And,  resolving,  knew  that  the  thing  was  done. 

What  booted  the  struggle  yet  to  be 

When  the  hearts  of  all  men  beat  as  one, 

And  hand  clasped  hand,  and  eyes  met  eyes, 

And  lives  were  ready  to  sacrifice? 

The  years  since  then  have  come  and  sped, 
Till  their  record  reaches  a  hundred  and  ten ; 

And  the  heroes  of  those  old  days  are  dead ; 
But  their  spirit  lives  in  to-day's  young  men ; 

And  never  in  vain  would  our  country  plead 

For  sons  that  were  ready  to  die  at  her  need. 

-Louise  C.  MouUon  (1886). 

To  have  been  the  instrument  of  expressing  in  one  brief, 
decisive  act  the  concentrated  will  and  resolution  of  a  whole 
family  of  states ;  to  have  been  permitted  to  give  the  impress 
and  peculiarity  of  his  own  mind  to  a  charter  of  public  right, 
destined  to  an  importance  in  the  estimation  of  men  equal  to  any- 
thing human  ever  borne  on  parchment  or  expressed  in  the  visi- 
ble signs  of  thought,  —  this  is  the  glory  of  Thomas  Jefferson. 

—  Edward  Everett. 


108  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

What  were  the  contents  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence ? 

It  consisted  of  three  divisions, — 

1.  A  statement  of  the  doctrine  of  liberty,  as  fol- 
lows :  — 

"  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self  evident,  that  all  men  are 
created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
certain  unalienable  rights ;  that  among  these,  are  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness;  that,  to  secure  these  rights, 
governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed;  that  whenever  any 
form  of  government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is 
the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  institute 
a  new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such  principles, 
and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall  seem 
most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness." 

2.  A  statement  of  the  many  tyrannical  acts  of 
King  George. 

3.  The  following  declaration  :  — 

"We,  therefore,  the  Representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America  in  General  Congress  assembled,  appealing  to  the 
Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  inten- 
tions, do,  in  the  name,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  good  people 
of  these  Colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare,  that  these 
United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  inde- 
pendent States;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance 
to  the  British  crown,  and  that  all  political  connection  between 
them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally 


THE    REVOLUTION.  109 

dissolved ;  and  that  as  free  and  independent  States,  they  have 
full  power  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  contract  alliances, 
establish  commerce,  and  do  all  other  acts  and  things  which 
independent  states  may  of  right  do.  And  for  the  support 
of  this  declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of 
Divine  Providence,  we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other,  our 
lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred  honor." 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  was,  when  it  occurred,  a 
capital  transaction  in  human  affairs ;  as  such  it  has  kept  its 
place  in  history;  as  such  it  will  maintain  itself  while  human 
interest  in  human  institutions  shall  endure.  The  scene  and 
the  actors,  for  their  profound  impression  upon  the  world, 
at  the  time  and  ever  since,  have  owed  nothing  to  dramatic 
effects,  nothing  to  epical  exaggerations.  The  worth  and  force 
that  belong  to  the  agents  and  the  action  rest  wholly  on  the 
wisdom,  the  courage,  and  the  faith  that  forme  I  and  executed 
the  great  design,  and  the  potency  and  permanence  of  its  opera- 
tion upon  the  affairs  of  the  world  which,  as  foreseen  and  legit- 
imate consequences,  followed.  —  William  M.  Evarts. 

There  are  men  who  see  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
and  the  American  Revolution,  not  the  reorganization  of  human 
society  upon  a  basis  of  liberty  and  equality,  but  a  "dodge"  of 
some  English  colonists  who  were  unwilling  to  pay  their  taxes. 

It  is  in  vain  for  demagogism  to  raise  its  short  arms  against 
the  truth  of  history.  The  Declaration  of  Independence  stands 
there.  No  candid  man  ever  read  it  without  seeing  and  feeling 
that  every  word  of  it  was  dictated  by  deep  and  earnest  thought, 
and  that  every  sentence  of  it  bears  the  stamp  of  philosophic 
generality.  It  is  the  summing  up  of  the  results  of  the  philo- 
sophical development  of  the  age ;  the  practical  embodiment  of 
the  progressive  ideas,  which,  far  from  being  confined  to  the 


110  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

narrow  limits  of  the  English  colonies,  pervaded  the  very  atmos- 
phere of  all  civilized  countries.  —  Carl  Schurz. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence !  The  interest  which  in 
that  paper  has  survived  the  occasion  upon  which  it  was  issued, 
the  interest  which  is  of  every  age  and  every  clime,  the  interest 
which  quickens  with  the  lapse  of  years,  spreads  as  it  grows 
old,  and  brightens  as  it  recedes,  is  in  the  principles  which  it 
proclaims.  It  was  the  first  solemn  declaration,  by  a  nation, 
of  the  only  legitimate  foundation  of  civil  government.  It  was 
the  cornerstone  of  a  new  fabric,  destined  to  cover  the  surface 
of  .the  globe.  It  demolished  at  a  stroke  the  lawfulness  of  all 
governments  founded  upon  conquest.  It  swept  away  all  the 
rubbish  of  accumulated  centuries  of  servitude.  It  announced 
in  practical  form  to  the  world  the  transcendent  truth  of  the 
inalienable  sovereignty  of  the  people.  It  proved  that  the 
social  compact  was  no  figment  of  the  imagination,  but  a  real, 
solid,  and  sacred  bond  of  the  social  union.  From  the  day  of 
this  declaration  the  people  of  North  America  were  no  longer 
the  fragment  of  a  distant  empire,  imploring  justice  and  mercy 
from  an  inexorable  master  in  another  hemisphere.  They  were 
no  longer  children,  appealing  in  vain  to  the  sympathies  of  a 
heartless  mother;  no  longer  subjects,  leaning  upon  the  shat- 
tered columns  of  royal  promises,  and  invoking  the  faith  of 
parchment  to  secure  their  rights.  They  were  a  nation,  assert- 
ing as  of  right,  and  maintaining  by  war,  its  own  existence. 
A  nation  was  born  in  a  day. 

"  How  many  ages  hence 
Shall  this,  their  lofty  scene,  be  acted  o'er 
In  states  unborn,  and  accents  yet  unknown  ?  " 

It  will  be  acted  o'er,  but  it  can  never  be  repeated.  It 
stands,  and  must  forever  stand,  alone ;  a  beacon  on  the  sum- 


THE    REVOLUTION.  Ill 

mit  of  the  mountain,  to  which  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth 
may  turn  their  eyes  for  a  genial  and  saving  light,  till  time 
shall  be  lost  in  eternity,  and  this  globe  itself  dissolve,  nor 
leave  a  wreck  behind.  It  stands  forever,  a  light  of  admoni- 
tion to  the  rulers  of  men,  a  light  of  salvation  and  redemption 
to  the  oppressed.  So  long  as  this  planet  shall  be  inhabited  by 
human  beings,  so  long  as  man  shall  be  of  a  social  nature,  so 
long  as  government  shall  be  necessary  to  the  great  moral  pur- 
poses of  society,  so  long  as  it  shall  be  abused  to  the  purposes 
of  oppression,  so  long  shall  this  Declaration  hold  out  to  the 
sovereign  and  to  the  subject  the  extent  and  the  boundaries  of 
their  respective  rights  and  duties,  founded  in  the  laws  of 
nature  and  of  nature's  God.  — John  Quincy  Adams. 


What  was  the  immediate  result  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  ? 

It  changed  the  revolt  of  the  colonies  into  a  war 
for  independence.  The  king  sent  large  armies  to 
subdue  the  colonies,  but  these  resisted  with  great 
bravery,  and,  after  seven  years  of  hardship,  suf- 
fering, and  many  battles,  gained  their  liberty,  when 
peace  was  declared  and  they  became  independent 
states. 

If  we  wish  to  be  free,  —  if  we  mean  to  preserve  inviolate 
those  inestimable  privileges  for  which  we  have  been  so  long 
contending,  —  if  we  mean  not  basely  to  abandon  the  noble 
struggle  in  which  we  have  been  so  long  engaged,  and  which  we 
have  pledged  ourselves  never  to  abandon  until  the  glorious 


112  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

object  of  our  contest  shall  be  obtained,  —  we  must  fight;  I 
repeat  it,  we  must  fight !  An  appeal  to  arms,  and  to  the  God 
of  Hosts,  is  all  that  is  left  us.  —  Patrick  Henri/. 

The  arms  we  have  been  compelled  by  our  enemies  to  assume, 
we  will,  in  defiance  of  every  hazard,  with  unabating  firmness 
and  perseverance,  employ  for  the  preservation  of  our  liberties, 
being  with  one  mind  resolved  to  die  freemen  rather  than  to 
live  slaves.  -  The  Continental  Congress. 

The  causes  of  the  Revolution,  so  fertile  a  theme  of  specu- 
lation, are  less  definite  than  have  been  imagined.  The  whole 
series  of  colonial  events  was  a  continued  and  accumulating 
cause.  The  spirit  was  kindled  in  England;  it  went  with 
Robinson's  congregation  to  Holland;  it  landed  with  them  at 
Plymouth;  it  was  the  basis  of  the  first  constitution  of  these 
sage  and  self-taught  legislators ;  it  never  left  them  nor  their 
descendants.  It  extended  to  the  other  colonies,  where  it  met 
with  a  kindred  impulse,  was  nourished  in  every  breast,  and 
became  rooted  in  the  feelings  of  the  whole  people. 

—  Jared  Sparks. 

You  may  think  me  transported  with  enthusiasm,  but  I  am 
not.  I  am  well  aware  of  the  toil,  and  blood,  and  treasure,  that 
it  will  cost  us  to  maintain  this  declaration,  and  support  and 
defend  these  states.  Yet,  through  all  the  gloom,  I  can  see  the 
rays  of  light  and  glory ;  I  can  see  that  the  end  is  more  than 
worth  all  the  means,  and  that  posterity  will  triumph,  although 
you  and  I  may  rue,  which  I  hope  we  shall  not. 

—  John  Adams. 

The  war  of  the  Americans  is  a  war  of  passion.  It  is  of 
such  a  nature  as  to  be  supported  by  the  most  powerful  virtues, 
—  love  of  liberty  and  love  of  country,  —  and  at  the  same  time 


THE    REVOLUTION.  113 

by  those  passions  in  the  human  heart  which  give  courage, 
strength,  and  perseverance  to  man,  —  the  spirit  of  revenge  for 
the  injuries  you  have  done  them,  of  retaliation  for  the  hard- 
ships you  have  inflicted  on  them,  and  of  opposition  to  the 
unjust  powers  you  have  exercised  over  them.  Everything 
combines  to  animate  them  to  this  war;  and  such  a  war  is 
without  end.  Whether  it  be  called  obstinacy  or  enthusiasm, 
under  the  name  of  religion  or  liberty,  the  effects  are  the  same. 
It  inspires  a  spirit  which  is  unconquerable,  solicitous  to  undergo 
difficulty,  danger,  ami  hardship.  So  long  as  there  is  a  man  in 
America, —7 a  being  formed  as  we  are,  —  so  long  will  he  present 
himself  against  yon  in  the  held.  —  Charles  J.  Fox. 

I  call  the  war  with  our  brethren  in  America  an  unjust  and 
felonious  war,  because  the  primary  cause  and  confessed  origin 
of  it  is  to  attempt  to  take  their  money  from  them  without  their 
consent,  contrary  to  the  common  rights  of  all  mankind  and  to 
those  great  fundamental  principles  of  the  English  constitution 
tor  which  Hampden  bled.  I  assert  that  it  is  a  murderous  war, 
because  it  is  an  effort,  to  deprive  men  of  their  lives  for  stand- 
in-'  up  in  the  defense  of  their  property  and  their  clear  rights. 
Such  a  war.  I  fear,  will  draw  down  the  vengeance  of  heaven 
ii] ton  this  kingdom. 

Is  any  minister  weak  enough  to  flatter  himself  with  the 
conquest  of  America?  You  cannot,  with  all  your  allies,  with 
all  the  mercenary  ruffians  of  the  North,  you  cannot  effect  so 
wicked  a  purpose!  The  Americans  will  dispute  every  inch 
<>f  territory  with  you,  every  narrow  pass,  every  strong  defile, 
every  Thermopyhe,  every  Hunker  Hill!  More  than  half  the 
empire  is  already  lost,  and  almost  all  the  rest  is  in  confusion 
and  anarchy.  \\  V  have  appealed  to  the  sword,  and  what  have 
we  gained?  Are  \\<-  to  pay  as  dear  for  the  rest  of  America? 

PAT.   CIT.  8 


114  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

The   idea   of   the   conquest   of   that   immense   country   is   as 
romantic  as  it  is  unjust.  — John  Wilkes. 

What  heroes  from  the  woodland  sprung, 
When,  from  the  fresh-awakened  land, 

The  thrilling  cry  of  Freedom  rung, 

And  to  the  work  of  warfare  strung 
The  yeoman's  iron  hand  ! 

Hills  flung  the  cry  to  hills  around, 

And  ocean-mart  replied  to  mart ; 
And  streams,  whose  springs  were  yet  unfound, 
Pealed  far  away  the  startling  sound 

Into  the  forest's  heart. 

Then  marched  the  brave  from  rocky  steep, 
From  mountain  river  swift  and  cold ; 

The  borders  of  the  stormy  deep, 

The  vales  where  gathered  waters  sleep, 
Sent  up  the  strong  and  bold, 

As  if  the  very  earth  again 

Grew  quick  with  God's  creating  breath, 

And  from  the  sods  of  grove  and  glen 

Kose  ranks  of  lion-hearted  men, 

To  battle  to  the  death.      -  William  Cullen  Bryant. 


Give  a  brief  account  of  the  great  hero  of  the 
Revolution. 

George  Washington,  a  Virginian,  the  Cornmander- 
in-Chief  of  the  Continental  Army,  was  distinguished 
for  the  excellence  of  his  personal  character,  his  abil- 


THE    REVOLUTION.  115 

ity  as  a  soldier,  and  his  wisdom  as  a  statesman.  He 
was  twice  elected  President.  The  nation's  capital  is 
named  for  him ;  the  Washington  Monument  is  one 
of  the  finest  structures  of  the  kind  in  the  world ; 
Mount  Vernon,  his  home  on  the  Potomac,  is  care- 
fully preserved  as  a  Mecca  for  patriots,  and  his  birth- 
day is  kept  as  a  national  holiday. 

He  was  the  patriot  without  reproach;  he  loved  his  coun- 
try well  enough  to  hold  his  success  in  serving  it  an  ample 
recompense.  —  Fisher  Ames. 

General  Washington  was  rather  above  the  common  size; 
his  frame  was  robust  and  his  constitution  vigorous,  capable  of 
enduring  great  fatigue,  and  requiring  a  considerable  degree 
of  exercise  for  the  preservation  of  his  health.  His  exterior 
created  in  the  beholder  the  idea  of  strength,  united  with  manly 
gracefulness.  His  person  and  whole  deportment  exhibited  an 
unaffected  and  indescribable  dignity,  unmingled  with  haughti- 
ness, of  which  all  who  approached  him  were  sensible ;  and  the 
attachment  of  those  who  possessed  his  friendship,  and  enjoyed 
his  intimacy,  was  ardent,  but  always  respectful. 

—  John  Marshall. 

A  more  perfectly  fitted  and  furnished  character  has  never 
appeared  on  the  theater  of  human  action,  than  when,  reining 
up  his  war-horse  beneath  the  majestic  and  venerable  elm,  still 
standing  at  the  entrance  of  the  old  Watertown  road  upon 
Cambridge  Common,  George  Washington  unsheathed  his  sword, 
and  assumed  the  command  of  the  gathering  armies  of  Ameri- 
can liberty.  Those  who  had  despaired,  when  they  beheld  their 
chief  despaired  no  more.  The  very  aspect  of  his  person  and 


116  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

countenance  concurred  with  the  history  of  his  life  in  impress- 
ing their  hearts  Avith  a  deep  conviction  that  God  was  with  him, 
in  the  exercise  of  a  peculiar  guardianship,  and  that  in  his 
hands  their  cause  was  safe.  —  Charles  W.  Upham. 

First  in  war,  first  in  peace,  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  country- 
men, he  was  second  to  none  in  the  humble  and  endearing 
scenes  of  private  life ;  pious,  just,  humane,  temperate,  and 
sincere ;  uniform,  dignified,  and  commanding,  his  example  was 
as  edifying  to  all  around  him,  as  were  the  effects  of  that 
example  lasting.  —  Henry  Lee. 

Washington  deserved  the  lofty  praise  bestowed  upon  him 
by  the  President  of  Congress  when  he  resigned  his  commission, 
—  that  he  had  always  regarded  the  rights  of  the  civil  authority 
through  all  changes  and  through  all  disasters. 

—  Jeremiah  S.  Black. 

Happy  was  it  for  America,  happy  for  the  world,  that  a  great 
name,  a  guardian  genius,  presided  over  her  destinies  in  war, 
combining  more  than  the  virtues  of  the  Roman  Fabius  and 
the  Theban  Epaminondas,  and  compared  with  whom  the 
conquerors  of  the  world,  the  Alexanders  and  Caesars,  are  but 
pageants  crimsoned  with  blood  and  decked  with  the  trophies 
of  slaughter,  objects  equally  of  the  wonder  and  the  execration 
of  mankind.  The  hero  of  America  was  the  conqueror  only  of 
his  country's  foes,  and  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen.  To  the 
one  he  was  a  terror,  and  in  the  other  he  gained  an  ascendancy, 
supreme,  unrivaled,  the  triumph  of  admiring  gratitude,  the 
reward  of  a  nation's  love.  —  Jared  Sparks. 

Others  of  our  great  men  have  been  appreciated,  —  many 
admired  by  all.  But  him  we  love.  Him  we  all  love.  About 
and  around  him  we  call  up  no  dissentient  and  discordant  and 


THE   REVOLUTION.  117 

dissatisfied  elements,  no  sectional  prejudice  nor  bias,  no  party, 
no  creed,  no  dogma  of  politics.  None  of  these  shall  assail  him. 
When  the  storm  of  battle  blows  darkest  and  rages  highest,  the 
memory  of  Washington  shall  nerve  every  American  arm  and 
cheer  every  American  heart.  It  shall  relume  that  Promethean 
tire,  that  sublime  flame  of  patriotism,  that  devoted  love  of 
country,  which  his  words  have  commended,  which  his  example 
1 1 MS  consecrated. 

"  Where  may  the  wearied  eye  repose 

When  gazing  on  the  great, 
Where  neither  guilty  glory  glows 

Nor  despicable  state  ? 
Yes, — one,  the  first,  the  last,  the  best, 
The  Cincinnatus  of  the  West, 

Whom  envy  dared  not  hate, 
Bequeathed  the  name  of  Washington 
To  make  man  blush,  there  was  but  one." 

-Rufus  Choate. 

For  many  years  I  have  studied  minutely  the  career  of 
Washington,  and  with  every  step  the  greatness  of  the  man 
has  grown  upon  me,  for  analysis  has  failed  to  discover  the  act 
of  his  life  which,  under  the  conditions  of  the  time,  I  could 
unhesitatingly  pronounce  to  have  been  an  error.  Such  has 
been  my  experience,  and  although  my  deductions  may  be  wrong, 
they  at  least  have  been  carefully  and  slowly  made.  I  see  in 
Washington  a  great  soldier,  who  fought  a  trying  war  to  a 
successful  end  impossible  without  him;  a  great  statesman,  who 
did  more,  than  all  other  men  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  repub- 
lic which  has  endured  in  prosperity  for  more  than  a  century. 
I  find  in  him  a  marvelous  judgment  which  was  never  at  fault, 
a  penetrating  vision  which  beheld  the  future  of  America  when 
it  was  dim  to  other  eyes,  a  great  intellectual  force,  a  will  of 


118  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

iron,  an  unyielding  grasp  of  facts,  and  an  unequaled  strength 
of  patriotic  purpose.  I  see  in  him,  too,  a  pure  and  high-minded 
gentleman  of  dauntless  courage  and  stainless  honor,  simple 
and  stately  of  manner,  kind  and  generous  of  heart.  Such 
he  was  in  truth.  The  historian  and  the  biographer  may  fail 
to  do  him  justice,  but  the  instinct  of  mankind  will  not  fail. 
The  real  hero  needs  not  books  to  give  him  worshipers. 
George  Washington  will  always  receive  the  love  and  reverence 
of  men,  because  they  see  embodied  in  him  the  noblest  possi- 
bilities of  humanity.  —  Henry  Cabot  Lodge. 

For  tho'  the  years  their  golden  round 
O'er  all  the  lavish  region  roll, 
And  realm  on  realm,  from  pole  to  pole, 

In  one  beneath  thy  Stars  be  bound, 

The  far-off  centuries  as  they  flow, 

No  whiter  name  than  this  shall  know ! 

— Francis  T.  Palgmve. 


Name  some  of  the  other  men  who  distinguished 
themselves  during  the  period  of  the  Revolution. 

Among  the  many  illustrious  men  of  that  time 
were  John  Hancock,  Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams, 
Patrick  Henry,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son, and  Alexander  Hamilton. 

There  never  was,  in  any  age  or  nation,  a  body  of  men  who, 
for  general  information,  for  the  judicious  use  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  for  true  dignity,  elevation,  and  grandeur  of 
zeal,  could  stand  comparison  with  the  First  American  Con- 
gress. Whom  do  I  behold  ?  A  Hancock,  a  Jefferson,  a  Henry, 


THE   REVOLUTION.  119 

a  Lee,  a  Rutledge  !  Glory  to  their  immortal  spirits  !  On  you 
<li']M'iul  the  destinies  of  your  country;  the  fate  of  three  millions 
of  men,  and  of  the  countless  millions  of  their  posterity.  Shall 
these  be  slaves  ?  Or  will  you  make  a  noble  stand  for  liberty 
against  a  power  whose  triumphs  are  already  coextensive  with 
the  earth;  whose  legions  trample  on  thrones  and  scepters; 
whose  thunders  bellow  on  every  ocean  ?  How  tremendous  the 
occasion !  How  vast  the  responsibilities  ! 

The  President  and  all  the  members  of  this  august  assembly 
take  their  seats.  Every  countenance  tells  the  mighty  struggle 
within.  Every  tongue  is  silent.  It  is  a  pause  in  nature, — 
that  solemn,  awful  stillness  which  precedes  the  earthquake  or 
tornado.  At  length  one  arises,  and  one  equal  to  the  occa- 
sion,—  Patrick  Henry,  the  Virginia  Demosthenes.  What 
dignity  !  What  majesty  !  Every  eye  fastens  on  him.  Firm, 
erect,  undaunted,  he  rolls  on  the  torrent  of  his  mighty  elo- 
quence. What  a  picture  does  he  draw  of  the  horrors  of  servi- 
tude and  the  charms  of  freedom !  At  once,  he  gives  full  rein 
to  all  his  gigantic  powers,  and  pours  his  own  heroic  spirit  into 
the  minds  of  his  auditors.  They  become  as  one  man,  actuated 
by  one  soul ;  and  the  universal  shout  is,  "  Liberty  or  Death !  " 

—  Jonathan  Maxcy. 

Hamilton  is  one  of  the  statesmen  of  creative  minds  who 
represent  great  ideas.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  he  left  the 
deep  mark  of  his  personal  influence  upon  our  history.  His 
principles  of  finance,  of  foreign  affairs,  of  political  economy, 
and  of  the  powers  and  duties,  of  government  under  the  Consti- 
tution, may  be  found  on  every  page  of  our  history,  and  are  full 
of  vitality  to-day.  —  Henry  Cabot  Lodge. 

To  say  that  the  life  of  Benjamin  Franklin  is  the  most  inter- 
esting, the  most  uniformly  successful  yet  lived  by  any  Amer- 


120  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

lean,  is  bold.  But  it  is  nevertheless  strictly  true.  Not  the 
least  of  the  many  glories  of  our  country  is  the  long  list  of  men 
who,  friendless,  half-educated,  poor,  have  by  the  sheer  force  of 
their  own  abilities  raised  themselves  from  the  humblest  begin- 
nings to  places  of  eminence  and  command.  Many  of  these 
have  surpassed  him.  Some  have  speculated  more  deeply  on 
finance,  some  have  been  more  successful  as  philanthropists, 
have  made  greater  discoveries  in  physics,  have  written  books 
more  commonly  read  than  his.  Yet  not  one  of  them  has 
attained  to  greatness  in  so  many  ways,  or  has  made  so  lasting 
an  impression  on  his  countrymen.  His  face  is  as  well  known 
as  the  face  of  Washington,  and,  save  that  of  Washington,  is 
the  only  one  of  his  time  that  is  now  instantly  recognized  by 
the  great  mass  of  his  countrymen.  His  maxims  are  in  every 
man's  mouth.  His  name  is,  all  over  the  country,  bestowed  on 
counties  and  towns,  on  streets,  on  societies,  on  corporations. 

—  John  Bach  McMaster. 

There  are  Conant  and  Endicott,  with  their  little  rudimental 
plantations  at  Cape  Ann  and  at  Salem.  There  is  the  elder 
Winthrop,  with  the  Massachusetts  Charter,  at  Boston,  of  whom 
the  latest  and  best  of  New  England  historians,  Dr.  Palfrey, 
has  said  that  "  it  was  his  policy,  more  than  any  other  man's, 
that  organized  into  shape,  animated  with  practical  vigor,  and 
prepared  for  permanency  those  primeval  sentiments  and  insti- 
tutions that  have  directed  the  course  of  thought  and  action  in 
New  England  in  later  times."  There  is  the  younger  Win- 
throp, not  far  behind,  with  the  Charter  of  Connecticut,  of 
whose  separate  colonies  Hooker  and  Haynes  and  Hopkins  and 
Eaton  and  Davenport  and  Ludlow  had  laid  the  foundations. 
There  is  Roger  Williams,  "  the  apostle  of  soul  freedom,"  as  he 
has  been  called,  with  the  Charter  of  Rhode  Island.  There  is 


THE    REVOLUTION.  121 

the  brave  and  generous  Stuyvesant,  of  the  New  Netherlands. 
There  are  the  Catholic  Calverts  and  the  noble  Quaker  Penn, 
building  up  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  alike  upon  principles 
of  toleration  and  philanthropy.  There  is  the  benevolent  and 
chivalrous  Oglethorpe,  assisted  by  Whitefield  and  the  Wesleys, 
planting  his  Moravian  colony  in  Georgia.  There  is  Franklin, 
with  his  first  proposal  of  a  Continental  Union,  and  with  his 
countless  inventions  in  political  as  well  as  physical  science. 
Tli<-n>  is  James  Otis,  with  his  great  argument  against  Writs  of 
Assistance,  and  Samuel  Adams,  with  his  inexorable  demand 
for  the  removal  of  the  British  regiments  from  Boston.  There 
are  Quincy,  with  his  grand  remonstrance  against  the  Port  Bill, 
and  Warren,  offering  himself  as  the  protomartyr  on  Bunker 
Hill.  There  is  Jefferson,  with  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
fresh  from  his  own  pen,  with  John  Adams  close  at  his  side,  as  its 
"colossus  on  the  floor  of  Congress."  There  are  Hamilton  and 
Madison  and  Jay  bringing  forward  the  Constitution  in  their 
united  arms;  and  there,  leaning  on  their  shoulders, and  on  that 
Constitution,  but  towering  above  them  all,  is  Washington,  the 
consummate  commander,  the  incomparable  President,  the 
world-renowned  patriot.  —Robert  C.  Winthrop. 


What  effect  -had  the  Revolution  upon  American 
patriotism  f 

It  exerted  a  profound  and  lasting  influence.  It 
tended  to  break  down  the  barriers  that  separated  the 
colonies,  and  to  awaken  a  spirit  of  union  ;  it  called 
into  exercise  some  of  the  most  striking  qualities  of 
human  excellence ;  it  brought  out  into  bold  relief 


122  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

multitudes  of  heroic  men  —  the  pride  of  the  nation ; 
it  awakened  a  consciousness  of  national  power,  and 
aroused  an  ambition  to  excel  among  the  nations  of 
the  earth.  It  vindicated  the  wisdom  of  the  revo- 
lutionists, and  laid  the  foundation  for  enduring 
national  pride. 

For  America,  the  period  abounded  in  new  forms  of  virtue 
and  greatness.  Fidelity  to  principle  pervaded  the  masses;  an 
unorganized  people,  of  their  own  free  will,  suspended  com- 
merce by  universal  assent ;  poverty  rejected  bribes.  Heroism, 
greater  than  that  of  chivalry,  burst  into  action  from  lowly 
men;  citizens,  with  their  families,  fled  from  their  homes  and 
wealth  in  towns,  rather  than  yield  to  oppression.  Battalions 
sprung  up  in  a  night  from  spontaneous  patriotism ;  where 
eminent  statesmen  hesitated,  the  instinctive  action  of  the 
multitude  revealed  the  counsels  of  magnanimity ;  youth  and 
genius  gave  up  life  freely  for  the  liberties  of  mankind. 

—  George  Bancroft. 

If  you  would  contemplate  nationality,  not  merely  as  a  state 
of  consciousness,  but  as  an  active  virtue,  look  around  you.  Is 
not  our  history  one  witness  and  record  of  what  it  can  do  ? 
The  glory  of  the  fields  of  that  war,  the  eloquence  of  that 
revolution,  this  one  wide  sheet  of  flame  which  wrapt  tyrant 
and  tyranny,  and  swept  all  that  escaped  from  it  away  forever ; 
the  courage  to  fight,  to  advance,  to  guard  the  young  flag  by  the 
young  arm  and  the  young  heart's  blood,  to  hold  up  and  to  hold 
on  till  the  magnificent  consummation  crowned  the  work, — 
were  not  all  these  imparted  or  inspired  by  this  imperial  senti- 
ment ?  Has  it  not  here  begun  the  master  work  of  man,  the 
creation  of  a  national  life  ?  Ay,  did  it  not,  indeed,  call  out 


THE   REVOLUTION.  123 

that  prodigious  development  of  wisdom,  —  the  wisdom  of  con- 
structiveness  which  illustrated  the  years  after  the  war,  and  the 
framing  and  adoption  of  the  American  Constitution  ? 

—  Rufus  Choate. 

No  age  will  come  in  which  the  American  Revolution  will 
appear  less  than  it  is,  —  one  of  the  greatest  events  in  human 
history.  No  age  will  come,  in  which  it  will  cease  to  be  seen 
and  felt,  on  either  continent,  that  a  mighty  step,  a  great 
advance,  not  only  in  American  affairs,  but  in  human  affairs, 
was  made  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1776.  —  Daniel  Webster. 

It  is  not  the  meaning  nor  within  the  compass  of  this 
address,  to  detail  the  hardships  peculiarly  incident  to  our 
service,  or  to  describe  the  distresses  which  in  several  instances 
have  resulted  from  the  extremes  of  hunger  and  nakedness, 
combined  with  the  rigors  of  an  inclement  season ;  nor  is  it 
necessary  to  dwell  on  the  dark  side  of  our  past  affairs.  Every 
American  officer  and  soldier  must  now  console  himself  for  any 
unpleasant  circumstances  which  may  have  occurred,  by  a  recol- 
lection of  the  uncommon  scenes  of  which  lie  has  been  called 
to  act  no  inglorious  part,  and  the  astonishing  events  of  which 
he  has  been  a  witness,  —  events  which  have  seldom,  if  ever 
before,  taken  place  on  the  stage  of  human  action ;  nor  can  they 
probably  ever  happen  again. 

For  who  has  before  seen  a  disciplined  army  formed  at 
once  from  such  raw  materials  ?  Who,  that  was  not  a  wit- 
ness, could  imagine  that  the  most  violent  local  prejudices 
would  cease  so  soon,  and  that  men  who  came  from  the  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  continent,  strongly  disposed  by  the  habits 
of  education  to  despise  and  quarrel  with  each  other,  would 
instantly  become  but  one  patriotic  band  of  brothers?  Or 


•124  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

who,  that  was  not  on  the  spot,  can  trace  the  steps  by  which 
such  a  wonderful  revolution  has  been  effected,  and  such  a 
glorious  period  put  to  all  our  warlike  toils  ? 

—  George  Washington  (Farewell  to  the  Army). 

When  Lafayette  was  about  to  return  to  his  native  land  at 
the  close  of  the  war,  he  said,  in  reply  to  a  committee  of  the 
American  Congress,  appointed  to  present  him  with  a  letter 
addressed  to  the  king,  expressive  of  their  high  appreciation 
of  the  services  h.e  had  rendered :  "  May  this  immense  Temple 
of  Freedom  ever  stand,  a  lesson  to  oppressors,  an  example  to 
the  oppressed,  a  sanctuary  for  the  rights  of  mankind !  And 
may  these  happy  United  States  attain  that  complete  splendor 
and  prosperity  which  will  illustrate  the  blessings  of  their  gov- 
ernment, and  for  ages  to  come  rejoice  the  departed  souls  of  its 
founders ! " 

The  founders  of  this  Temple  of  Freedom  have  long  since 
seen  the  last  of  earth ;  but  the  temple  they  raised  still  stands 
in  all  its  matchless  proportions,  a  beacon  light  to  the  oppressed, 
a  sanctuary  for  the  rights  of  mankind,  and  we  live  to  witness 
the  realization  of  his  prayer  and  prophetic  words. 

—  Levi  P.  Morton. 


THE    NATION. 


Lord  of  the  Universe,  shield  us  and  guide  us, 
Trusting  thee  always,  through  shadow  and  sun, 

Thou  hast  united  us,  who  shall  divide  us  ? 
Keep  us,  oh,  keep  us,  the  MANY  IN  ONE. 

—  OLIVER  WENDELL  HOLMES. 


THE   NATION. 


What  is  the  difference  between  a  Confederacy  and  a 
Nation  ? 

A  Confederacy  is  a  voluntary  union  of  independ- 
ent states,]  which  for  mutual  advantage  and  defense 
enter  into  an  alliance  that  can  be  terminated  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  individual  state.  A  Nation  is  a  peo- 
ple united  under  a  central  government.  It  is  a  per- 
petual union  that  cannot  be  dissolved,  that  can  only 
be  overthrown  by  successful  revolution.  Thus,  in 
our  country,  there  are  many  states,  but  there  is  only 
one  Nation,  —  "E pluribus  unum" 

"E  jtlnrihu*  unum"  is  not  a  mere  rhetorical  phrase,  but 
the  terse  record  of  our  system  of  government. 

—  John  K.  Porter. 

The  first  two  words  of  the  national  motto  are  as  much  a 
part  of  it  as  the  last.  They  have  never  been  changed  since 
their  use  began.  They  have  been  borne  in  every  battle  and  on 
every  march,  by  land,  or  sea,  in  defeat  as  in  victory.  They 

127 


128  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

are  still  blazoned  on  our  escutcheon,  and  copied  in  every  seal 
of  office.  May  that  motto  never  be  mutilated  or  disowned. 
It  should  be  written  on  the  walls  of  the  Capitol  and  on  every 
state  house.  Its  three  words  contain  a  faithful  history ;  may 
they  abide  for  ages,  pledges  of  the  future,  as  they  are  witnesses 
of  the  past.  —  David  Dudley  Field. 

America  is  a  Commonwealth  of  commonwealths,  a  Republic 
of  republics,  a  State  which,  while  one,  is  nevertheless  com- 
posed of  other  states  even  more  essential  to  its  existence  than 
it  is  to  theirs.  —  James  Bryce. 

Rivalry  among  the  states,  and  pride  at  the  intellectual  and 
physical  development  of  each,  by  its  own  inhabitants,  are 
right  and  proper,  but  if  a  state,  "one  of  the  many,"  claims 
to  be  above  the  whole,  and  usurps  such  power,  the  Nation  must 
suppress  it,  first  by  judicial  process,  and,  if  that  be  not  suffi- 
cient, then  by  force.  If  this  conclusion  be  universally  recog- 
nized as  the  law  and  the  fact,  it  never  will  occur. 

—  William  T.  Sherman. 

What  the  sun  is  in  the  heavens,  diffusing  light  and  warmth, 
and  by  its  subtle  influence  holding  the  planets  in  their  orbits, 
and  preserving  the  harmony  of  the  universe,  such  is  the  senti- 
ment of  nationality  in  a  people,  diffusing  life  and  protection  in 
every  direction,  holding  the  faces  of  Americans  always  towards 
their  homes,  protecting  the  states  in  the  exercise  of  their- 
just  powers,  and  preserving  the  harmony  of  all.  We  must 
have  a  Nation.  It  is  a  necessity  of  our  political  existence. 
We  should  cherish  the  idea  that  while  the  states  have  their 
rights,  sacred  and  inviolable,  which  we  sliould  guard  with 
untiring  vigilance,  never  permitting  an  encroachment  upon 
them,  and  ever  remembering  that  such  encroachment  is  as 
much  a  violation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  as 


THE   NATION.  129 

to  encroach  upon  the  rights  of  the  general  government ;  still 
bear  in  mind  that  the  states  are  but  subordinate  parts  of  one 
great  Nation,  that  the  Nation  is  over  all,  even  as  God  is  over 
the  universe.  —  Oliver  P.  Morton. 


When  did  the  people  of  the  colonies  formally  be- 
come a  Nation? 

They  became  a  Nation  in  1789,  by  the  adoption  of 
the  National  Constitution. 

The  acceptance  of  the  Constitution  of  1789  made  the  Amer- 
ican people  a  Nation.  It  turned  what  had  been  a  League  of 
States  into  a  Federal  State  by  giving  it  a  National  Govern- 
ment, with  a  direct  authority  over  all  citizens. 

—  James  Bryce. 

When  the  United  States  ceased  to  be  a  part  of  the  British 
Empire  and  assumed  the  character  of  an  independent  nation, 
they  became  subject  to  that  system  of  rules  which  reason, 
morality,  and  custom  had  established  among  the  civilized 
nations  of  Europe  as  their  public  law.  —James  Kent. 

There  was  a  state  without  king  or  nobles;  there  was  a 
church  without  a  bishop;  there  was  a  people  governed  by 
grave  magistrates  which  it  had  selected,  and  equal  laws  which 
it  had  framed.  —  Rnfus  Choate. 

The  Union  is  much  older  than  the  Constitution.  It  was 
formed,  in  fact,  by  the  Articles  of  Association  in  1774.  It 
was  matured  and  continued  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
in  1776.  It  was  further  matured,  and  the  faith  of  all  the  then 
thirteen  states  expressly  plighted  and  engaged  that  it  should 
PAT.  CIT.  —  9 


130  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

be  perpetual,  by  the  Articles  of  the  Confederation,  in  1778; 
and  finally,  in  1787,  one  of  the  declared  objects  for  ordaining 
and  establishing  the  Constitution  was  to  form  a  more  perfect 
Union.  —  Abraham  Lincoln. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  forms  a  government, 
not  a  league,  and  whether  it  be  formed  by  compact  between 
the  states  or  in  any  other  manner,  its  character  is  the  same. 
It  is  a  government  in  which  all  the  people  are  represented, 
which  operates  directly  upon  the  people  individually,  not  upon 
the  states  —  they  retained  all  the  power  they  did  not  grant. 
But  each  state  having  expressly  parted  with  so  many  powers 
as  to  constitute,  jointly  with  the  other  states,  a  single  nation, 
cannot  from  that  period  possess  any  right  to  secede,  because 
such  secession  does  not  break  a  league,  but  destroys  the  unity 
of  a  nation,  and  any  injury  to  that  unity  is  not  only  a  breach 
which  would  result  from  the  contravention  of  a  compact,  but 
is  an  offence  against  the  whole  Union.  To  say  that  any  state 
may  at  pleasure  secede  from  the  Union  is  to  say  that  the 
United  States  are  not  a  nation,  because  it  would  be  a  solecism 
to  contend  that  any  part  of  a  nation  might  dissolve  its  connec- 
tion with  the  other  parts,  to  their  injury  or  ruin,  without  com- 
mitting any  offence.  —  Andrew  Jackson. 

Great  were  the  hearts,  and  strong  the  minds 

Of  those  who  framed,  in  high  debate, 
The  immortal  league  of  love,  that  binds 

Our  fair  broad  Empire,  state  with  state. 

And  deep  the  gladness  of  the  hour, 

When,  as  the  auspicious  task  was  done, 

In  solemn  trust,  the  sword  of  power, 
Was  given  to  glory's  unspoiled  son. 


THE   NATION.  131 

That  noble  race  is  gone ;  the  suns 

Of  sixty  years  have  risen  and  set ; 
But  the  bright  links,  those  chosen  ones 

So  strongly  forged,  are  brighter  yet. 

Wide,  as  our  own  free  race  increase  — 
Wide  shall  extend  the  elastic  chain, 

And  bind  in  everlasting  peace, 

State  after  state,  —  a  mighty  train. 

—  William  Cullen  Bryant. 


WJiat  is  a  Constitution  ? 

A  Constitution  is  a  document  declaring  the  form 
of  government,  and  prescribing  the  duties  and  privi- 
leges  of  those  who  live  under  it.  It  is  the  general, 
organic  law  of  the  land. 

\YlnMi  \ve  talk  of  the  constitution  of  a  state  or  a  nation,  we 
mean  those  of  its  rules  or  laws  which  determine  the  form  of 
its  government,  and  the  respective  rights  and  duties  of  the 
government,  towards  the  citizens  and  of  the  citizens  towards 
the  go v e n m lent.  —Jam ?,?  Bryce. 

Constitutions  represent  the  will  of  the  people,  are  superior 

l<>  all  congresses  or  legislatures,  and  can  only  be  altered  by  the 
people,  in  such  modes,  as  to  time  and  majorities,  as  guarantee 
deliberation  and  a  widespread  settled  feeling  of  a  necessity  for 
a  change.  —  Douglas  Campbell. 

In  ancient  times  the  power  of  the  kings  extended  to  every- 
thing whatsoever,  both  civil,  domestic,  and  foreign;  but  in 


132  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

after-times  they  relinquished   some  of    their   privileges,  and 
others  the  people  assumed.  — Aristotle. 

Other  nations  speak  of  their  constitutions,  which  are  the 
growth  of  centuries  of  government,  and  the  maxims  of  experi- 
ence and  the  traditions  of  ages.  Many  of  them  deserve  the 
veneration  which  they  receive.  But  a  constitution  in  the 
American  sense  of  the  term,  as  accepted  in  all  the  states  of 
North  and  South  America,  means  an.  instrument,  in  writing, 
denning  the  powers  of  government,  and  distributing  those 
powers  among  different  bodies  of  magistrates  for  their  more 
judicious  exercise.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
not  only  did  this  as  regards  a  national  government,  but  it  estab- 
lished a  federation  of  many  states  by  the  same  instrument,  in 
which  the  usual  fatal  defects  in  such  unions  have  been  cor- 
rected, with  such  felicity,  that  during  the  hundred  years  of  its 
existence  the  Union  of  the  states  has  grown  stronger,  and  has 
received  within  that  Union  other  states,  exceeding  in  number 
those  of  the  original  federation.  —  Samuel  F.  Miller. 

A  nation  is  made  not  by  conventions,  but  by  the  operation 
of  principles.  A  common  soil,  language,  religion,  laws,  litera- 
ture, social  customs,  thoughts  and  aims,  will  make  a  nation 
without  written  constitutions ;  and  written  instruments  that 
attempt  to  band  together  parts  not  thus  naturally  wedded,  will 
inevitably  fail.  We  are  a  nation  by  the  operation  of  principles 
that  underlie  all  written  law ;  and  we  must  advance,  year  by 
year,  into  a  more  firmly  centralized,  into  a  deeper  and  broader 
nationality  by  the  vital  growth  and  development  of  those  prin- 
ciples, let  the  rigid  and  literal  interpretations  of  any  instru- 
ment point  otherwise  or  not.  But  our  constitution  does  not 
point  otherwise.  Its  framers  knew  that  we  were  a  union 
already,  that  we  were  advancing  into  a  nationality,  and  thus 


THE   NATION.  133 

gave  legal  form  to  that  which  necessities  and  circumstances 
were  already  enacting.  There  are  results  that  spring  with 
unfailing  sequence  from  antecedents,  unshaped  and  unguided 
by  the  will  or  the  conscious  aid  of  men.  There  are  laws 
operating  at  the  very  heart  of  our  civilization  which  determine 
nationality  and  mark  the  course  of  empire.  Constitutions 
must  become  plastic  to  the  march  of  events;  and  we  shall  not 
be  required  in  the  future  of  our  government  to  bind  ourselves 
to  the  rigid  framework  of  a  dead  letter,  which  our  needs  and 
purposes  have  outgrown.  We  must  guard,  however,  between  a 
too  rigid  formalism  on  the  one  hand,  and  a  too  free  interpreta- 
tion on  the  other.  The  spirit  of  our  constitution  points  to  a 
nationality,  aiming  to  unite  nil  parts,  to  secure  equality  and 
liberty  to  all  individuals,  and  to  protect  section  against  section. 
Let  us  strengthen  that  nationality  by  our  habits  of  thought, 
by  breadth  of  patriotism,  by  a  suppression  of  local  pride  and 
sectional  prejudices.  Let  us  look  at  our  banner,  not  to  search 
out  the  star  which  represents  the  single  state  to  which  \ve 
belong,  but  to  love  and  accept  the  entire  galaxy. 

—  Oliver  Bunce. 


WJiat  is  the  Preamble  to  the  Constitution  ? 

It  sets  forth  the  reasons  for  its  adoption,  and  is 
as  follows :  — 

ik  We,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a 
more  perfect  union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tran- 
quillity, provide  for  the  common  defense,  promote  the  general 
welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and 
our  posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the 
United  States  of  America." 


134  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

The  Constitution  ordains  this  government,  organizes  its 
form,  and  confers  and  limits  its  authority.  The  principle  is 
elemental  in  the  law  and  statesmanship  of  the  country.  The 
maxim,  that  government  is  derived  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed,  is  old,  but  not  forgotten.  It  is  graven  deep  upon 
our  historic  record.  It  is  the  living  principle  of  our  national 
life.  This  consent  is  expressed. in  the  Constitution;  through 
it  alone  are  our  rulers  empowered.  There  is  no  other  fountain 
of  power ;  there  cannot  be  in  a  constitutional  system. 

—  William  A.  Beach. 

The  American  form  of  government,  with  the  immense  power 
it  gives  to  the  courts,  could  not  exist  among  a  people  whose 
reverence  for  law  and  whose  love  of  litigation  were  not  very 
great ;  nor  could  it  endure  without  a  provision  for  amendment, 
which  acts  as  a  safety  valve  and  allows  the  steam  to  escape 
when  the  pressure  becomes  too  great.  The  system  would  not 
be  possible,  moreover,  if  it  did  not  rest  on  a  popular  basis ;  for 
no  merits  it  might  have  possessed  would  have  preserved  it,  if, 
instead  of  being  established  by  the  people,  it  had  been  a  relic 
of  an  aristocratic  state  of  society.  The  French  publicists  speak 
of  the  advantage  possessed  by  a  republic  in  dealing  with  insur- 
rections, saying  that  it  can  put  them  down  without  arousing 
the  sense  of  oppression  which  would  be  caused  by  the  same 
acts  on  the  part  of  a  monarchy ;  and  this  they  ascribe  to  the 
fact  that  a  republic  is  the  government  of  the  people,  and  its 
acts  are  the  acts  of  the  people  themselves.  Now  the  same 
principle  applies  to  the  authority  of  the  American  court  in 
constitutional  questions,  because  a  legislature  which  passes  an 
unconstitutional  statute  is  usurping  po\ver  over  tin-  people,  and 
the  court,  refusing  to  cnfom'.  sueli  a  statute,  is  giving  effect 
to  the  popular  will.  In  order,  therefore,  to  limit  the  power 


THE   NATION.  135 

of  the  legislature,  and  maintain  the  authority  of  the  court,  it 
is  necessary  to  draw  a  sharp  line  between  constitutional  and 
other  laws,  and  to  make  it  clear  that  the  former  embody,  in 
a  peculiar  degree,  the  wishes  of  the  people.  This  is  done  very 
thoroughly  in  America,  where  the  action  of  the  legislature  is  suf- 
ficient for  all  ordinary  laws  ;  while  amendments  to  the  Federal 
Constitution  are  submitted  for  approval  to  the  several  states, 
and  changes  in  the  constitution  of  a  state  require  almost  uni- 
versally a  vote  of  the  citizens.  —  A.  Lawrence  Lowdl. 


What  are  the  great  merits  of  our  National  Con- 
stitution ? 

The   recognition  of   the  people  as  the  source  of 

power,  and  the  orderly  and  wise  distribution  of  the 

functions  of  government  into  three  grand  divisions, 

-legislative,  judicial,  and  executive,  each  with  its 

prerogatives  and  limitations  clearly  defined. 

The  American  Constitution  is,  so  far  as  I  can  see,  the  most 
wonderful  work  ever  struck  off  at  a  given  time  by  the  brain 
and  purpose  of  man.  —  William  E.  Gladstone. 

I  confess  I  do  not  often  envy  the  United  States,  but  there 
is  one  feature  in  their  institutions  which  appears  to  me  the 
subject  of  the  greatest  envy,  —  their  magnificent  institution 
of  a  Supreme  Court.  — Marquis  of /Salisbury. 

The  chief  characteristic  which  distinguishes  our  govern- 
ment from  all  others  is  the  division  and  distribution  of  its 
powers  among  the  three  great  departments  and  their  absolute 
independence  of  each  other.  Under  the  limitations  of  our 


136  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

written  Constitution  it  is  impossible  that  any  one  department 
should  encroach  upon  another.  No  law  of  Congress  can  de- 
prive the  President  of  any  one  of  the  constitutional  powers 
vested  in  him.  Any  act  by  which  this  should  be  attempted 
woidd  be  vetoed  by  the  President,  and,  if  passed  over  the  veto, 
would  be  declared  null  and  void  by  the  Supreme  Court. 

—  Benjamin  F.  Tracy. 

There  never  existed  an  example  before  of  a  free  community 
spreading  over  such  an  extent  of  territory ;  and  the  ablest  and 
profoundest  thinkers,  at  the  time,  believed  it  to  be  utterly  im- 
practicable that  there  should  be.  Yet  this  difficult  problem 
was  solved  —  successfully  solved  —  by  the  wise  and  sagacious 
men  who  framed  our  Constitution.  No ;  it  was  above  unaided 
human  wisdom  —  above  the  sagacity  of  the  most  enlightened. 
It  was  the  result  of  a  fortunate  combination  of  circumstances 
cooperating  and  leading  the  way  to  its  formation ;  directed  by 
that  kind  Providence  which  has  so  often  and  so  signally  dis- 
posed events  in  our  favor.  — John  C.  Calhoun. 

Every  free  government  is  necessarily  complicated,  because 
all  such  governments  establish  restraints,  as  well  on  the  power 
of  government  itself  as  on  that  of  individuals.  If  we  will 
abolish  the  distinction  of  branches,  and  have  but  one  branch ; 
if  we  will  abolish  jury  trials,  and  leave  all  to  the  judge; 
and  if  we  place  the  executive  power  in  the  same  hands,  we 
may  readily  simplify  government.  We  may  easily  bring  it  to 
the  simplest  of  all  possible  forms,  —  a  pure  despotism.  But  a 
separation  of  departments,  so  far  as  practicable,  and  the  pres- 
ervation of  clear  lines  of  division  between  them,  is  the  funda- 
mental idea  in  the  creation  of  all  our  constitutions;  and, 
doubtless,  the  continuance  of  regulated  liberty  depends  on 
maintaining  these  boundaries.  —Daniel  Webster. 


THE   NATION.  137 

Define  Government. 

Government  means  rule,  or  control.  Family  gov- 
ernment is  the  control  exercised  over  the  household 
by  the  parents  ;  school  government  is  the  system  of 
rules  prescribed  by  the  teachers  for  the  regulation 
of  the  affairs  of  the  school  ;  military  government  is 
the  control  of  ,  or  by,  an  army  ;  civil  government  is 
the  body  of  laws  for  regulating  a  community. 

This  word  is  used  to  designate  the  aggregate  of  the  powers 
to  which  the  exercise  of  effective  sovereignty  belongs  in  each 
state.  —  Hippolyte  Passy. 

A  government,  whatever  its  form,  is  at  bottom  nothing  but 
a  committee  of  the  citizens  chosen  and  maintained  by  flit-in 
to  do  certain  things  for  the  whole  body,  which  cannot  be  so 
well  done  by  individual  or  merely  associated  effort. 

—  Arthur  L.  Perry. 

Conduct  has  to  be  ruled  either  from  without  or  from  within. 
If  the  rule  from  within  is  not  efficient,  there  must  exist  sup- 
plementary rule  from  without.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  all  men 
are  properly  ruled  from  within,  government  becomes  needless, 
and  all  men  are  perfectly  free.  —  Herbert  Spencer. 

The  world  knows  of  no  other  powers  of  government,  than 
the  power  of  the  law,  sustained  by  public  opinion,  and  the 
power  of  the  sword,  sustained  by  the  arm  t.lmt  wields  it. 


The  true  conception  of  the  govminn'nt  is  that  the  govern- 
ment is  an  organ  of  the  state.     It  embodies    and    expresses 


138  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

the  state  just  as  language  embodies  and  expresses  thought. 
However  good  or  however  bad  the  existing  government  may 
be,  it  is,  nevertheless,  for  the  time  at  least,  the  representative 
of  the  state.  There  was  not  even  a  shadow  of  truth  in  the 
famous  saying  of  Louis  XIV.,  "  I  am  the  state,"  but  it  would 
have  been  almost  literally  true  if  he  had  said,  "I  am  the 
government." 

All  just  government  is  of  God  through  the  people.  Eor 
man  is  so  made  by  his  Creator  that  he  must  live  in  a 
state,  and  the  state  must  have  a  government.  So  long  as  a 
man  needs  hands  and  feet,  so  long  the  state  will  need  a  gov- 
ernment. And  that  is  the  best  government  which  most  fully 
expresses  the  needs  of  the  state,  and  does  all  that  can  be  done 
to  satisfy  those  needs.  — Frank  S.  Hoffman. 


What  is  the  origin  of  Civil  Government  ? 

Individuals  differ  in  their  tastes,  their  ideas,  and 
their  habits.  If  one  could  live  absolutely  by  himself, 
he  might  follow  his  own  will,  subject  only  to  natural 
law ;  but  when  men  live  together,  they  cannot  all 
have  their  own  way  —  they  must  not  interfere  with 
each  other. 

There  are,  too,  in  all  large  communities  those 
who  do  not  wish  to  do  right,  and  who,  there- 
fore, must  be  restrained  and  punished  for  crime. 
There  are  also  orphans,  idiots,  lunatics,  paupers,  and 
other  helpless  people  to  be  cared  for.  There  are 
roatla  to  lay  out  and  keep  in  repair,  bridges  to  build, 


THE  NATION.  139 

estates  to  settle,  schools  to  establish,  and  a  multi- 
plicity of  other  things  to  be  done.  All  this  requires 
a  law-making  power,  officers  to  interpret  laws,  and 
others  to  execute  them.  Taxes  must  be  equitably 
assessed,  collected,  and  expended,  and  this  must  be 
done  according  to  some  system  ;  otherwise  there 
would  be  confusion,  uncertainty,  and  injustice.  Gov- 
ernment is  a  necessity. 

It  is  evident  that  a  state  is  one  of  the  works  of  nature,  and 
that  man  is  naturally  a  political  animal.  —  Aristotle. 

When  civil  society  is  once  formed,  government  at  the  same 
time  results  as  a  matter  of  course,  as  necessary  to  preserve  and 
to  keep  that  society  in  order.  — William  Blackstone. 

Just  laws  are  no  restraint  upon  the  freedom  of  the  good, 
for  the  good  man  desires  nothing  which  a  just  law  will 
interfere  with.  — James  A.  Froude. 

Society  can  no  more  exist  without  government,  in  one  form 
or  another,  than  man  without  society.  It  is  the  political,  then, 
which  includes  the  social,  that  is  his  natural  state ;  it  is  the 
one  for  which  his  Creator  formed  him,  into  which  he  is 
impelled  irresistibly,  and  in  which  only  his  race  can  exist  and 
all  his  faculties  be  fully  developed.  Such  being  the  case,  it 
follows  that  any  —  the  worst  —  form  of  government  is  better 
than  anarchy ;  und  that  individual  liberty  or  freedom  must  be 
subordinate  to  whatever  power  may  be  necessary  to  protect 
society  against  anarchy  within  or  destruction  from  without; 
for  the  safety  and  well-being  of  society  are  as  paramount  to 
individual  liberty  as  the  safety  and  well-being  of  the  race  is 


140  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

to  that  of  individuals,  and,  in  the  same  proportion,  the  power 
necessary  for  the  safety  of  society  is  paramount  to  individual 
liberty.  — John  C.  Oalhoun. 


What  is  the  object  of  Civil  Government? 

To  secure  order,  justice,  freedom,  stability,  and 
thus  to  protect  the  individual  in  his  person  and 
property,  and  to  promote  the  public  welfare. 

The  province  of  government  is  to  increase  to  the  utmost  the 
pleasures  and  to  diminish  to  the  utmost  the  pains  which  men 
derive  from  each  other.  — John  Stuart  Mill. 

It  is  the  function  of  civil  government  to  make  it  easy  to  do 
right  and  difficult  to  do  wrong.  —  William  E.  Gladstone. 

Morality  is  the  object  of  government.  We  want  a  state  of 
things  in  which  crime  will  not  pay,  a  state  of  things  which 
allows  every  man  the  largest  liberty  compatible  with  the  lib- 
erty of  every  other  man.  —  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson. 

The  government  ought  not  to  be  first  a  policeman  and  then 
a  teacher,  but  first  and  mainly  a  teacher,  and  a  policeman  only 
if  needs  be.  —Frank  S.  Hoffman. 

The  first  object  of  a  free  people  is  the  preservation  of  their 
liberty,  and  liberty  is  only  to  be  preserved  by  maintaining 
constitutional  restraints  and  just  divisions  of  political  power. 
Nothing  is  more  deceptive  or  more  dangerous  than  the  pre- 
tence of  a  desire  to  simplify  government.  The  simplest  gov- 
ernments are  despotisms,  limited  monarchies;  but  all  republics, 


THE   NATION.  141 

all  governments  of  law,  must  impose  numerous  limitations  and 
qualifications  of  authority,  and  give  many  positive  and  many 
qualified  rights.  In  other  words,  they  must  be  subject  to  rule 
and  regulation.  This  is  the  very  essence  of  free  political  insti- 
tutions. —  Daniel  Webster. 

The  police  power  of  the  state  is  an  authority  conferred  by 
the  American  constitutional  system  upon  the  individual  states, 
through  which  they  are  enabled  to  establish  a  special  depart- 
ment of  police ;  adopt  such  regulations  as  tend  to  prevent  the 
commission  of  fraud,  violence,  or  other  offences  against  the 
state ;  aid  in  the  arrest  of  criminals,  and  secure  generally 
the  comfort,  health,  and  prosperity  of  the  state,  by  preserving 
the  public  order,  preventing  a  conflict  of  rights  in  the  common 
intercourse  of  the  citizen,  and  insuring  to  each  an  uninter- 
rupted enjoyment  of  all  the  privileges  conferred  upon  him  by 
the  laws  of  his  country.  The  organization  of  a  state  police, 
which  shall  fulfill  its  functions  effectively  and  yet^ leave  to  the 
individual  unimpaired  freedom  under  the  liberal  laws  of  a 
republican  form  of  government,  is  one  of  the  most  delicate 
tasks  ever  intrusted  to  the  lawgiver. 

—  John  W.  Clampitt. 


Define  Self-government. 

In  a  political  sense  Self-government  is  the  control 
exercised  by  a  people  over  its  own  affairs. 

William  Penn  did  not  despair  of  humanity,  and  though  all 
history  and  experience  denied  the  sovereignty  of  the  people, 
dared  to  cherish  the  noble  idea  of  man's  capacity  for  self-gov- 
ernment. —  George  Bancroft. 


142  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

I  will  be  lord  over  myself.  No  one  who  cannot  master  him- 
self is  worthy  to  rule,  and  only  he  can  rule. 

—  Joliann  W.  von  Goethe. 

Self-government  stimulates  the  interest  of  people  in  the 
affairs  of  their  neighborhood,  sustains  local  political  life,  edu- 
cates the  citizen  in  his  daily  round  of  civic  duty,  teaches  him 
that  perpetual  vigilance  and  the  sacrifice  of  his  own  time  and 
labor  are  the  price  that  must  be  paid  for  individual  liberty 
and  collective  prosperity.  — James  Bryce. 

Since  the  final  end  of  life  is  the  development  of  character, 
government  is  to  be  tested,  not  by  the  temporal  and  immediate 
advantages  which  it  may  afford,  but  by  its  power  to  promote 
the  development  of  true  men  and  women.  No  government 
accomplishes  this  end  so  effectively  as  democratic  government. 
Since  democratic  government  is  self-government,  it  introduces 
every  man  into  the  school  of  experience  —  of  all  schools  the 
one  in  which  the  training  is  most  thorough  and  the  progress 
most  rapid.  The  gradual  and  increasing  effect  of  democracy 
is  to  give  to  its  pupils,  in  lieu  of  a  faith  in  some  unknown 
God,  first  faith  in  humanity  and  then  in  God,  as  witnessed  .in 
life  and  experience  of  humanity ;  in  lieu  of  a  reverence  for  a 
few  elect  superiors,  respect  for  all  men ;  in  lieu  of  a  lethargic 
counterfeit  of  contentment,  a  far-reaching  and  inspiring  though 
sometimes  too  eager  hopefulness ;  and  in  lieu  of  an  often  serv- 
ile submission  to  accidental  masters,  a  spirit  of  sturdy  inde- 
pendence and  mutual  fellowship.  So  does  democracy,  though 
by  very  gradual  and  often  conflicting  processes,  produce  the 
liberty  of  a  universal  brotherhood,  and  possess  the  secret  of 
public  peace,  the  promise  of  public  prosperity,  the  hope  of 
social  righteousness,  and  inspiration  to  illimitable  progress. 

—  Lyman  Abbott. 


THE   NATION.  143 

What  is  meant  by  a  Representative  Government? 

A  government  in  which  the  people  el  loose  repre- 
sentatives to  make  and  execute  their  laws  lor  them.- 
It  is  the  best  form  of  republican  government,  —  a 

modified  democracy. 

• 

A  representative  government,  made  responsible  at  short 
periods  of  election,  produces  the  greatest  sum  of  happiness  to 
mankind.  —  Thomas  Jefferson. 

What,  then,  is  the  structure  of  this  American  Constitution  ? 
One  branch  of  the  Legislature  is  to  be  elected  by  the  people, 
—  by  the  same  people  who  choose  your  state  representatives. 
Its  members  are  to  hold  oilier  for  two  years,  and  then  return 
to  their  constituents.  Here  the  people  govern.  Here  they 
act  by  their  immediate  representatives. 

—  Alexander  Hamilton. 

Modern  democracies  must  use  the  representative  system  for 
the  taking  of  the  sense  of  the  community.  While  in  the  repre- 
sentative body  so  selected,  the  majority,  of  course,  should 
govern,  it  by  no  means  follows  that  the  majority  only  should 
be  represented;  but,  on  the  contrary,  no  true  majority  govern- 
ment can  be  had  by  means  of  the  representative  system  unless 
all  are  represented.  —  Simon  Sterne. 

The  sovereignty  of  the  ancient  regime,  inherent  in  the  per- 
son of  the  monarch,  and  possessed  by  virtue  of  divine  right, 
continued  legitimate  with  all  the  plenitude  of  its  powers,  even 
in  opposition  to  the  unanimous  will  of  the  people.  Modern 
sovereignty,  essentially  power  delegated,  is  legitimate  only 
within  the  limits  of  the  grant.  —  Jules  Simon. 


144  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

The  two  very  specific  marks  of  ancient  democracy,  election 
by  lot  and  the  popular  assemblies,  are  rejected  by  the  new 
democratic  republic,  which  fills  offices  by  election,  and,  instead 
of  the  rude  popular  assemblies,  has  introduced  representation 
by  election.  In  both  regards  the  democratic  principle  has 
been  corrected  and  complemented  by  the  aristocratic  prefer- 
ence for  the  fitter  and  more  intelligent.  Ancient  democracy 
was  what  may  be  called  pure  democracy ;  the  modern  is  repre- 
sentative. Kepresentative  democracy  is  democracy  moderated 
and  ennobled  by  the  elevation  of  the  best. 

—  Johann  K.  Bluntschli. 


What  is  the  distinguishing  feature  of  the  Republic  f 

It  is  "  a  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people, 
and  for  the  people." 

It  is  the  people's  constitution,  the  people's  government; 
made  for  the  people ;  made  by  the  people  j  and  answerable  to 
the  people.  — Daniel  Webster. 

"  A  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the 
people  "  has  been  the  ideal  government  of  the  world,  and  the 
dream  of  the  people  everywhere.  It  is  the  realization  of 
the  universal  hope  which  springs  eternal  in  the  breast  of 
the  governed  around  the  globe.  —  Henry  L.  Morey. 

I  shall  not  search,  as  many  have  done,  into  the  true  etymol- 
ogy of  this  word  democracy.  I  shall  not  traverse  the  garden 
of  Greek  roots  to  find  the  derivation  of  this  word.  I  shall 
point  you  to  democracy  where  I  have  seen  it,  living,  active, 
triumphant ;  in  the  only  country  in  the  world  where  it  truly 


THE   NATION.  145 

exists,  where  it  has  been  able  to  establish  and  maintain,  even 
to  the  present  time,  something  grand  and  durable  to  claim  our 
admiration,  —  in  the  New  World,  —  in  America.  There  shall 
you  see  a  people  among  whom  all  conditions  of  men  are  more 
on  an  equality  even  than  among  us;  where  the  social  state, 
the  manners,  the  laws,  —  everything,  —  is  democratic;  where 
all  emanates  from  the  people  and  returns  to  the  people  ;  and 
where  at  the  same  time,  every  individual  enjoys  a  greater 
amount  of  liberty,  a  more  entire  independence,  than  in  any 
other  part  of  the  world  at  any  period  of  time;  a  country,  I 
repeat  it,  essentially  democratic;  tin-  only  democracy  in  the 
wide  world  at  this  day  ;  and  the  only  republic,  truly  demo- 
cratic, which  we  know  of  in  history. 

(1.  II.  C.  de  Tocqueville. 


The  American  system  is  a  complete  one,  reaching  down  to 
the  foundations,  and  the  foundations  are  its  most  important 
purl  inns.  At  the  bottom  lies  the  township,  which  divides  the 
whole  North  and  \\Vst  into  an  infinity  of  little  republics,  each 
managing  its  own  local  affairs.  In  the  old  states  they  differ 
in  their  area  and  machinery.  In  the  new  states  of  the  West 
they  are  more  regular  in  size,  being  generally  six  miles  square. 
Kaeh  township  elects  its  own  local  officers  and  manages  its 
own  local  affairs.  Annually  a  town  meeting  is  held  of  all  the 
voters,  and  suffrage  is  limited  only  by  citizenship.  At  these 
meetings,  not  only  are  the  local  officers  elected,  such  as  super- 
visors, town  clerks,  justices  of  the  peace,  road-masters,  and  the 
like,  but  money  is  appropriated  for  bridges,  schools,  libraries, 
and  other  purposes  of  a  local  nature. 

Next  above  the  township  stands  the  county,  an  aggregate 
of  a  do/en  or  so  of  towns.  Its  officials,  —  sheriffs,  judges, 
clerks,  registers,  and  other  ollicers  to  manage  county  affairs,  — 

PAT.  CIT.  -  10 


146  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

are  chosen  at  the  general  state  election.  It  has  also  a  local 
assembly,  formed  of  the  town  supervisors.  They  audit 
accounts,  supervise  the  county  institutions,  and  legislate  as 
to  various  county  matters. 

Above  the  counties,  again,  stands  the  state  government, 
with  its  legislature,  which  passes  laws  relating  to  state  affairs ; 
and  finally,  the  Federal  government,  which  deals  only  with 
national  concerns.  The  whole  forms  a  consistent  and  harmo- 
nious system,  which  reminded  Matthew  Arnold  of  a  well-fitting 
suit  of  clothes,  loose  where  it  should  be  loose,  and  tight  where 
tightness  is  an  advantage.  — Douglas  Campbell. 


Explain  what  is  meant  by  "a  government  of  the 
people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people" 

It  expresses  in  a  terse  way  the  great  truth  that 
the  government  under  which  the  people  of  the 
United  States  live  is  created  by  themselves  and 
administered  by  their  representatives,  and  that  its 
sole  purpose  is  to  protect  them  in  the  fullest  enjoy- 
ment of  their  right  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit 
of  happiness. 

The  sovereignty  of  the  people  is  the  basis  of  our  system. 
With  the  people  the  power  resides  both  theoretically  and  prac- 
tically. The  government  is  a  determined,  uncompromising 
democracy,  administered  immediately  by  the  people  or  by  the 
people's  responsible  agents.  —  George  Bancroft. 

This  complex  government  was  curiously  contrived  to  give 
liberty  and  safety  to  the  people  of  all  the  states.  It  was 


THE   NATION.  147 

fashioned  by  the  people,  in  the  name  of  the  people,  and  for 
the  people.  Its  aim  was  to  keep  the  peace  among  the  states, 
and  to  manage  affairs  of  common  eoneern,  while  it  left  the 
states  the  entire  management  of  their  own  affairs.  Its  found- 
ers were  wise  and  practical  men.  —JJarid  Dudley  Field. 

There  has  been  every  variety  of  experiment  tried,  in  the 
cmirse  of  human  affairs,  between  the  great  extreme  of  the 
shivery  of  Egyptians  to  their  king  —  the  extreme  instance  of 
an  entire  population  scarcely  lifted  above  the  brutes  in  their 
absolute  subjection  to  the  tyranny  of  a  ruler,  so  that  the  life 
and  the  soul,  and  the  sweat  and  the  blood  of  a  whole  genera- 
tion of  men  are  consumed  in  the  task  of  building  a  mausoleum 
as  the  grave  of  a  king  —  and  tin-  later  efforts  of  our  race,  cul- 
minating in  the  happy  sueeess  of  our  own  form  of  government, 
to  establish,  on  foundations  where  liberty  and  law  find  equal 
support,  Ihe  principle  of  government  that  government  is  by. 
and  for.  and  from  all  the  people;  that  the  rulers,  instead  of 
being  their  masters  and  their  owners,  are  their  agents  and 
their  servants;  and  that  the  greater  good  of  the  greatest 
number  is  the  plain,  practical,  and  equal  rule  which,  by  gift 
from  our  Creator,  we  enjoy.  —  II '/// nun  M.  Krurfs. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  is  nothing  more  than  an 
elective  trustee  or  agent,  chosen  by  the  people  to  administer 
certain  well-defined  and  specific  trusts  for  them  and  as  their 
representative.  Our  fathers  formulated  that  portion  of  the 
Constitution  which  concerned  the  Presidential  office  under  a 
reali/ing  sense  of  the  evils  they  had  suffered  while  subject  to 
the  caprices  of  a  royal  ruler,  and  guarded  well  against  any 
assumption  of  power  or  prerogative  by  the  individual  which 
could  threaten  or  endanger  1  he  liberty  of  the  people.  Over  one 
hundred  years  of  experience  have  proven  the  wisdom  and 


148  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

foresight  of  the  statesmen  of  the  Revolution.  They  "  planned 
Avisely  and  builded  well."  The  President  is  still  the  servant  of 
the  people.  His  powers  are  great,  but  the  fear  of  absolutism 
or  of  usurpation  of  supreme  authority  by  him  never  disturbs 
us.  The  nation,  even  in  time  of  war,  rests  secure  in  the  con- 
sciousness of  its  power  to  confine  within  constitutional  limits 
the  exercise  of  executive  authority.  —  Benjamin  F.  Tracy. 


Define  People. 

Strictly  speaking,  the  term  "people"  includes 
everybody,  —  the  wise,  the  good,  criminals,  lunatics, 
and  paupers.  But  when  we  say  that  in  a  republic 
the  people  rule,  we  mean  by  people,  the  voters.  In  a 
still  more  restricted  sense,  the  people  means  the 
majority  of  voters. 

It  seems  to  me  a  symptomatic  fact  that  the  term  "  people  " 
has  at  no  period,  so  far  as  I  am  acquainted  with  the  domestic  his- 
tory of  England,  become  in  politics  a  term  of  reproach,  not  even 
in  her  worst  periods.  On  the  contrary,  the  word  "  people  " 
has  always  been  surrounded  with  dignity,  and  when  Chatham 
was  called  "the  people's  minister,"  it  was  intended  by  those 
who  gave  him  this  name,  as  a  great  honor.  In  French,  in 
German,  and  in  all  the  continental  languages  with  which  I  am 
acquainted,  the  corresponding  words  sank  to  actual  terms  of 
contempt.  —  Francis  Lieber. 

The  "  people "  who  exercise  the  power  are  not  always  the 
same  people  with  those  over  whom  it  is  exercised ;  and  the 
"  self-government "  spoken  of  is  not  the  government  of  each  by 
himself,  but  of  each  by  all  the  rest.  The  will  of  the  people, 


THE   NATION.  149 

moreover,  practically  means  the  will  of  the  most  numerous  or 
the  most  active  part  of  the  people ;  the  majority,  or  those  who 
succeed  in  making  themselves  accepted  as  the  majority. 

—  John  Stuart  Mill. 

But  outside,  and  above,  and  beyond  all  this,  is  the  People, 
—  steady,  industrious,  self-possessed,  caring  little  for  abstrac- 
tions, and  less  for  abstractionists,  but  with  one  deep,  common 
sentiment,  and  with  the  consciousness,  calm  but  quite  sure 
and  earnest,  that  in  the  Constitution  and  the  Union,  as  they 
received  them  from  their  fathers,  and  as  they  themselves  have 
observed  and  maintained  them,  is  the  sheet-anchor  of  their 
hope,  the  pledge  of  their  prosperity,  the  palladium  of  their 
liberty ;  and  with  this  is  that  other  consciousness,  not  less 
calm  and  not  less  earnest,  that  in  their  own  keeping  exclu- 
sively, and  not  in  that  of  any  party  leaders,  or  party  dema- 
gogues, or  political  backs  or  speculators,  is  the  integrity  of  that 
Union  and  that  Constitution.  It  is  in  the  strong  arms  and 
honest  hearts  of  the  great  masses,  who  are  not  members  of 
Congress,  nor  holders  of  ofliri .  nor  spouters  at  town-meetings, 
that  resides  the  safety  of  the  state ;  and  these  masses,  though 
slow  to  move,  are  irresistible,  when  the  time  and  the  occasion 
for  moving  come.  —  Charlc*  l\!>xj. 

I  have  claimed  to  be  a  democrat  of  democrats,  upon  the 
ground  that  only  those  are  entitled  to  the  name  who  fully 
accept  the  rule,  that  every  man,  be  he  rich  or  poor,  black  or 
white,  has  an  equal  stake  in  righteous  government.  The  rich 
man  lias  no  greater  claim  to  influence  merely  because  he 
possesses  wealth,  than  the  poor  man  because  he  desires  to 
attain  it,  except  so  far  as  in  the  aliainmcnt  of  his  property 
he  has  gained  an  honest  influence  over  others. 

—  Edward  Atkinson. 


150  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

Why  is  a  Republic  to  ~bc  preferred  to  a  Monarchy  f 

A  majority  is  less  likely  to  be  tyrannical  than  one 
man ;  the  more  widely  power  is  diffused  among  the 
people,  the  less  likely  it  is  to  be  abused.  In  repub- 
lics the  rights  of  the  individual  are  protected  by 
constitutional  safeguards.  In  popular  governments, 
where  free  speech  and  a  free  press  prevail,  an  unjust 
majority  easily  becomes  a  minority  ;  the  government 
is  peacefully  revolutionized  and  reforms  instituted. 
The  growth  of  liberty  and  justice  is  facilitated 
by  republican  and  hindered  by  monarchical  gov- 
ernments. 

For  one  individual,  be  lie  who  he  will,  will  be  found  upon 
comparison  inferior  to  a  whole  people  taken  collectively ;  but 
a  state,  as  composed  of  many,  is,  as  a  public  entertainment, 
better  than  one  man's  portion  j  for  which  reason  the  multitude 
judge  of  many  things  better  than  any  one  single  person.  The 
multitude  are  also  less  liable  to  corruption ;  as  water  is  from 
its  quantity,  so  are  the  many  less  liable  to  corruption  than  the 
few ;  besides,  the  judgment  of  an  individual  must  necessarily 
be  perverted,  if  he  is  overcome  by  anger  or  any  other  passion ; 
but  it  would  be  hard  indeed,  if  the  whole  community  should 
be  misled  by  anger.  —  Aristotle. 

The  republican  form  of  government  is  the  highest  form  of 
government;  but,  because  of  this,  it  mpiin's  the  highest  type 
of  human  nature  —  a  type  nowhere  at  present  existing. 

—  Herbert  Spencer. 


THE   NATION.  151 

I  maintain  that  our  democratic  principle  is  not  that  the 
people  are  always  right.  It  is  this  rather :  that  although  the 
people  may  sometimes  be  wrong,  yet  that  they  are  not  so 
likely  to  be  wrong  and  to  do  wrong,  as  irrepressible  hereditary 
magistrates  and  legislators ;  that  it  is  safer  to  trust  the  many 
with  the  keeping  of  their  own  interests,  than  it  is  to  trust  the 
few  to  keep  those  interests  for  them.  —  Orvitte  Dewey. 


Are  Majorities  always  right  ?  Is  the  maxim  "  vox 
populi  vox  Dei"  always  a  safe  one? 

By  no  means.  Majorities  may  be  unwise  and  un- 
just, but  in  the  long  run  they  may  be  expected  to  be 
about  right.  The  majority  should  govern. 

A  majority  held  in  check  by  constitutional  limitation,  and 
always  changing  easily  with  deliberate  changes  of  popular 
opinions  and  sentiments,  is  the  only  true  sovereign  of  a  free 
people.  Whoever  rejects  it  does,  of  necessity,  fly  to  anarchy 
or  to  despotism.  Unanimity  is  impossible;  the  rule  of  a 
minority,  as  a  permanent  arrangement,  is  wholly  inadmis- 
sible. So  that,  rejecting  the  majority  principle,  anarchy  or 
despotism,  in  some  form,  is  all  that  is  left. 

—  Abraham  Lincoln. 


The  faith  of  our  people  in  the  stability  and  permanence  of 
their  institutions  was  like  their  faith  in  the  eternal  course  of 
nature.  Peace,  liberty,  and  personal  security  were  blessings 
as  common  and  universal  as  sunshine  and  showers  and  fruitful 
seasons;  and  all  sprang  from  a  single  source,  —  the  principle 
declared  in  the  Pilgrim  Covenant  of  1620,  —  that  all  owed  due 


U1TI7BR3ITTJ 

osr 


152  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

submission  and  obedience  to  the  lawfully  expressed  will  of  the 
majority.  This  is  not  one  of  the  doctrines  of  our  political  sys- 
tem —  it  is  the  system  itself.  It  is  our  political  firmament,  in 
which  all  other  truths  are  set,  as  stars  in  the  heaven.  It  is 
the  encasing  air,  the  breath  of  the  Nation's  life. 

—  James  A.  Garjield. 

If  we  are  faithful  to  our  country,  if  we  acquiesce  with  good 
will  in  the  decisions  of  the  majority,  and  the  nation  moves  in 
mass  in  the  same  direction,  although  it  may  not  be  that  which 
every  individual  thinks  best,  we  have  nothing  to  fear  from  any 
quarter.  -  Thomas  Jefferson. 

Our  civil  compact  is  a  government  by  majorities,  and  the 
law  loses  its  sanction  and  the  magistrate  our  respect  when 
this  compact  is  broken.  —Benjamin  Harrison. 

It  was  not  pleasant  for  the.  fathers  to  oppose  George  III. 
at  the  peril  of  life  and  fortune  and  sacred  honor ;  but  they  had 
to  do  it,  because  he  was  wrong.  In  the  same  spirit  we  must 
be  ready  to  oppose  the  monarch  of  to-day  of  America  —  the 
Majority  —  when  it  is  wrong.  —  H.  L.Wayland. 

And  what  shall  we  say  of  government  by  a  majority  of 
voices  ?  To  a  person  who,  in  the  last  century,  would  have 
called  himself  an  impartial  observer,  a  numerical  preponder- 
ance seems,  on  the  whole,  as  clumsy  a  way  of  arriving  at  the 
truth  as  could  well  be  devised,  but  experience  has  apparently 
shown  it  to  be  a  convenient  arrangement  for  determining  what 
may  be  expedient  or  advisable  or  practicable  at  any  given 
moment.  —  James  Russell  Lowell. 


THE   NATION.  153 

Define  Law. 

Law  is  a  rule  of  action.  Natural  law  is  an  expres- 
sion of  the  method  of  the  Creator  in  the  control  of 
matter.  Civil  law  is  the  rules  of  a  government  for 
the  control  of  its  people.  Laws  are  designed  to  make 
clear  to  all  the  rights,  privileges,  obligations,  and 
duties  of  each  member  of  a  community,  and  are  es- 
sential to  human  welfare.  The  progress  of  a  people 
is  measured  by  the  character  of  its  laws.  Progress  in 
liberty  consists  in  defining  more  and  more  clearly  the 
rights  of  the  individual,  and  his  protection  in  the 
enjoyment  of  them  by  the  sanctions  of  the  law. 

Tin1,  law  does  not  say  to  a  man,  "  Work,  and  I  will  reward 
you";  but  it  says  to  him.  u  Work,  and  by  stopping  the  hand 
thai  would  1ak«-  them  from  you,  I  will  insure  to  you  the  fruits 
of  your  labor,  its  natural  and  siillirient  reward,  which,  without 
me,  you  could  not  preserve."  If  industry  creates,  it  is  the  law 
which  preserves ;  if,  at  the  first  moment,  we  owe  everything 
to  labor,  at  the  second,  and  every  succeeding  moment,  we  owe 
everything  to  the  law.  —Jeremy  Bentliam. 

The  design  and  object  of  laws  is  to  ascertain  what  is  just, 
honorable,  and  expedient;  and,  when  that  is  discovered,  it  is 
proclaimed  as  a  general  ordinance,  equal  and  impartial  to  all. 
This  is  the  origin  of  law,  which,  for  various  reasons,  all  are 
under  an  obligation  to  obey,  but  especially  because  all  law  is 
the  invention  and  gift  of  heaven,  the  resolution  of  wise  men, 
the  correction  of  every  offense,  and  the  general  compact  of  the 
state,  to  live  in  conformity  with  which  is  the  duty  of  every 
individual  in  society.  — Demosthenes. 


154  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

Law  and  arbitrary  power  are  in  eternal  enmity.  Name  me 
a  magistrate,  and  I  will  name  property ;  name  me  power,  and 
I  will  name  protection.  It  is  a  contradiction  in  terms,  it  is 
blasphemy  in  religion,  it  is  wickedness  in  politics,  to  say  that 
any  man  can  have  arbitrary  power. 

In  every  patent  of  office  the  duty  is  included.  For  what 
else  does  a  magistrate  exist  ?  To  suppose,  for  power,  is  an 
absurdity  in  idea.  Judges  are  guided  and  governed  by  the 
eternal  laws  of  justice,  to  which  we  are  all  subject.  We  may 
bite  our  chains,  if  we  will;  but  we  shall  be  made  to  know 
ourselves,  and  be  taught  that  man  is  born  to  be  governed  by 
law;  and  he  that  will  substitute  will  in  the  place  of  it  is  an 
enemy  to  God.  —  Edmund  Burke. 

Our  essential  safety  here  in  the  United  States  and  Canada 
as  well  as  in  England,  and  to  a  less  degree  in  the  Continental 
countries,  lies  in  the  deep  popular  consciousness  that  modern 
society  rests  upon  the  basis  of  the  largest  individual  freedom 
that  is  compatible  with  the  common  welfare,  and  that  it  is  the 
function  of  the  law  to  prescribe  the  rules  under  which  life  may 
offer  the  best  chances  to  everybody.  —  Albert  Shaw. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  race,  from  which  we  inherit  so  much  that 
is  valuable  in  our  character  as  well  as  our  institutions,  has 
been  remarkable  in  all  its  history  for  a  love  of  iaw  and  order. 
I  but  repeat  the  language  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  when  I  say  that  "  in  this  country  the  law  is  supreme." 
No  man  is  so  high  as  to  be  above  law.  No  officer  of  the  gov- 
ernment may  disregard  it  with  impunity.  To  this  inborn  and 
native  regard  for  law,  as  a  governing  power,  we  are  largely 
indebted  for  the  wonderful  success  and  prosperity  of  our  people, 
for  the  security  of  our  rights ;  and  when  the  highest  law,  to  which 
we  pay  this  homage,  is  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the 


THE   NATION.  155 

history  of  the  world  has  furnished  no  such  wonder  of  a  pros- 
perous, happy,  civil  government.  —  Samuel  F.  Miller. 


What  is  the  origin  of  Law? 

Law  embodies  the  idea  of  justice,  is  expressed 
in  custom,  public  opinion,  judicial  decisions,  legis- 
lative  enactments,  authoritative  decrees ;  historical 
inductions,  philosophical  speculations,  and  divine 
revelation. 

Law  is  nothing  but  right  reason,  derived  from  the  Divinity. 

—  Cicero. 

Our  human  laws  arc  but  ihe  copies,  more  or  less  imperfect, 
of  the  eternal  laws,  so  far  as  we  can  read  thorn. 

—  James  A.  Froude. 

The  Common   Law  of  England  ^s  n°t  ^ie.  product,  of  the 

wisdom  of  some  one  man.  or  society  of  men,  in  any  one  age ; 
lull,  of  the  wisdom,  counsel,  experience,  and  observation  of 
many  agos  of  wise  and  observing  men.  —Matthew  Hale. 

Of  Law  llioro  can  be  no  loss  acknowledged  than  that  her 
seat  is  the  bosom  of  God,  the  harmony  of  the  world:  all 
things  in  heaven  and  earth  do  her  homage,  the  very  least  as 
feeling  her  care,  and  the  greatest  as  not  excepted  from  her 
power.  —  Richard  Hooker. 

Law  is  an  idea  essential  to  the  human  mind.  It  cannot  be 
supplanted  by  another,  any  more  than  religion  can  be  by  art. 
That  idea  necessarily  requires  an  external  manifestation  and 
a  power  in  which  to  embody  itself.  That  power  is  the  state. 

—  Felix  Dahn. 


156  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

The  one  idea  which  the  lawyer  must  ever  cherish,  and  strive 
to  hold  clearly  and  firmly  in  his  conceptions,  is  that  of  justice. 
To  say  precisely  what  this  is  seems  to  transcend  the  power  of 
human  analysis.  We  attempt  to  describe  it  at  one  time  and 
another,  by  calling  it  what  is  right,  or  good,  or  fit,  or  con- 
venient; but  it  is  neither  of  these  things  alone,  —  perhaps 
because  it  is  all  of  them  together.  It  is  the  subtle  essence 
which  animates  every  rule  deserving  the  name  of  law,  but 
which  we  cannot  separate  from  the  actions  in  which  it  dwells. 

"  Guest  of  million  painted  forms, 
Which,  in  turn,  its  glory  warms," 

we  find  the  chase  after  it  to  be  endless,  and  guess  that  it 
is  a  divinity.  But  we  do  know  that  all  reform  and  progress 
in  the  law  consist  in  lifting  up  the  actual  system  which 
we  administer  into  a  more  perfect  harmony  with  the  ideal 
conception.  — James  C.  Carter. 


Define  Loyalty. 

Loyalty  is  primarily  obedience  to  law;  it  also 
involves  due  respect  for  all  authority  and  for  all 
public  officials.  It  is  the  homage  men  pay  to  order 
and  justice.  Loyalty  is  one  of  the  greatest  of  civic 
virtues. 

Let  reverence  of  the  law  be  breathed  by  every  mother  to 
the  lisping  babe  that  prattles  on  her  lap ;  let  it  be  taught  in 
schools,  seminaries,  and  colleges ;  let  it  be  written  in  primers, 
spelling-books,  and  almanacs ;  let  it  be  preached  from  pulpits, 


THE   NATION.  157 

and  proclaimed  in  legislative  halls,  and  enforced  in  courts  of 
justice;  in  short,  let  it  become  the  political  religion  of  the 
Nation.  —  Abraham  Lincoln. 

The  stability  of  this  Government  and  the  unity  of  this 
Nation  depend  solely  on  the  cordial  support  and  the  earnest 
loyalty  of  the  people.  —  Ulysses  S.  Grant. 

While  we  reverence  what  Garibaldi  and  Victor  Emmanuel 
fought  for,  —  the  union  of  peoples,  —  we  must  secure  above  all 
else  what  Steuben  and  Kosciusko  aided  our  fathers  to  estab- 
lish, —  liberty  regulated  by  law.  —  Levi  P.  Morton. 

Implicit  obedience  to  law  and  the  mandates  of  duly  organ- 
ized courts  is  the  vital  principle  of  free,  elective  government. 
Upon  it  rest  the  pillars  of  the  Kepublic.  No  grievance,  how- 
ever great,  can  justify  a  resort  to  lawless  violence  for  its 
n -dress.  If  the  time  shall  ever  come  when  obedience  to  law 
can  be  maintained  only  by  the  strong  arm  of  military  power, 
despotism  or  anarchy  is  near  at  hand.  It  is  for  the  living 
generations  to  see  to  it  that  the  fruits  of  free  constitutional 
government,  garnered  by  the  sacrifices  of  the  heroic  dead,  are 
not  wasted  in  the  future,  and  that  the  priceless  legacy  of  lib- 
erty bequeathed  by  our  fathers  shall  be  transmitted  unim- 
paired to  coming  times.  —  Galusha  A.  Grow. 

If  any  government  should  be  tempted  to  neglect,  even  for  a 
moment,  its  function  of  compelling  obedience  to  the  law,  —  if 
a  democracy,  for  example,  were  to  allow  a  portion  of  the  mul- 
titude of  which  it  consists  to  set  some  law  at  defiance  which 
it  happens  to  dislike,  —  it  would  be  guilty  of  a  crime  which 
hardly  any  other  virtue  could  redeem,  and  which  century  upon 
century  might  fail  to  repair.  — Henry  S.  Maine. 


158  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

Describe  Criminals  and  Punishment. 

Criminals  are  law-breakers.  Theft,  burglary,  arson, 
perjury,  assault,  and  murder  are  among  the  common 
crimes,  but  there  are  very  many  others.  Law  is  in- 
tended for  the  protection  of  society  by  punishing  or 
restraining  criminals.  Every  individual  accused  of 
crime  is  entitled  to  a  fair  trial,  and  all  punishment 
should  be  fitted  to  the  character  and  age  of  the  crim- 
inal, and  to  the  nature  of  the  offense.  Juvenile 
offenders  are  sent  to  reform  schools.  It  is  better, 
when  possible,  to  prevent  crime  by  removing  the 
causes  than  to  punish  it.  Intemperance  is  one  of  the 
most  fruitful  sources  of  crime. 

In  spite  of  the  enormous  expenditure  of  sixty  million  dollars 
per  annum  011  police,  judiciary,  and  prisons,  the  class  which 
lives  by  preying  upon  society  increases,  and  all  discussion  is 
to  be  welcomed  which  will  attract  popular  attention  to  the 
magnitude  of  the  evil,  and  excite  thoughtful  consideration  as 
to  the  measures  best  adapted  to  work  a  much-needed  reform. 

—  Henry  C.  Lea. 

We  need  a  set  of  laws  that  will  not  only  prevent  all  oppres- 
sion of  the  innocent,  but  will  also  see  to  it  that  the  guilty 
are  promptly  apprehended  and  made  to  suffer.  Then  with 
a  universal  application  of  the  principle  of  an  indeterminate 
sentence  beyond  a  certain  fixed  minimum,  compulsory  hibor, 
mid  compulsory  education,  we  may  hope  to  stay  the  rising  tide 
of  crime  and  do  far  more  than  can  otherwise  be  done  to  free  the 
future  from  its  blighting  influence.  — Frank  #.  Hoffman. 


THE   NATION.  159 

The  same  law  which  gives  a  verdict  in  a  white  man's  favor, 
should  give  a  verxlict  in  a  black  man's  favor,  on  the  same  state 
of  facts.  Such  is  the  law  of  God,  and  such  ought  to  be  the 
law  of  man.  —  Thaddeus  Stevens. 

No  man's  property  is  safe,  and  no  man's  welfare  is  assured, 
where  justice  is  denied  to  the  poor,  or  where  crime  goes  unpun- 
ished ;  no  state  can  prosper,  however  rich  the  land  or  varied 
the  resources,  where  human  rights  are  not  respected.  If  states 
cannot  or  do  not  govern  themselves  justly,  and  accord  an  equal 
chance  to  all  their  citizens,  their  influence  in  the  councils  of 
the  nation  must  be  small  indeed.  —  David  A.  Wells. 

Mob  law  is  a  crime,  whether  in  the  hands  of  strikers  trying 
to  maintain  a  monopoly  of  labor,  or  in  the  hands  of  citizens  of 
the  vicinage,  manifesting  their  virtue  or  getting  their  revenge 
by  putting  a  man  to  death  without  warrant  of  law. 

—  CJiarles  A.  Dana. 

It  does  not  need  demonstration  that  no  country  can  go  on 
to  prosperity  with  society  rotting  at  the  foundations.  A  good 
many  noble  men  and  women  are  devoting  their  lives  to  the 
rescue  of  children,  but  it  is  only  pecking  round  the  edges  of 
a  great  evil.  The  whole  community  must  take  up  the  matter 
seriously.  I  suppose  it  will  do  this  when  it  sees  that  it  is  more 
economical,  costly  as  it  may  be,  to  deal  with  nascent  crime  than 
with  full-blown  crime.  —  Charles  Dudley  Warner. 

The  experience  of  the  world  has  demonstrated  the  truth  of 
the  principle  that  punishment  in  itself  exercises  no  reformatory 
influence ;  on  the  contrary,  it  hardens  the  man  upon  whom  it 
is  visited,  and  excites  his  companions  in  crime  to  reprisals. 
The  first  step  in  prison  reform,  everywhere,  is  classifica- 
tion of  prisoners,  which  may  or  may  not  go  to  the  extent 


160  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

of  individual  separation,  but  which  leads  to  a  classification 
of  prisons.  By  classification,  the  action  and  reaction  of  pris- 
oners upon  each  other  is  checked,  if  not  wholly  prevented. 
The  second  step  is  kindness  and  conciliation,  which  prepare 
the  prisoner  for  the  reception  of  instruction,  and  incline  him 
to  yield  to  the  influence  brought  to  bear  upon  him  for  his 
conversion  from  an  enemy  into  a  friend  of  social  order.  The 
third  is  education,  which  includes  not  only  religious  instruction, 
but  mental  development,  indoctrination  in  the  laws  of  social 
life,  and  the  acquisition  of  a  trade  or  some  other  means  of 
earning  an  honest  livelihood.  The  last  of  these  ends  can  only 
be  secured  by  the  introduction  into  prisons  of  organized  and 
profitable  labor,  which  has  the  further  recommendation,  that, 
by  employing  the  prisoner's  time  and  thoughts,  it  makes  dis- 
cipline more  easy, -while  it  also  tends  to  reduce  the  cost  of 
punishment.  —  Fred  H.  Wines. 


Define  Anarchism. 

It  is  the  denial  of  the  need  of  any  government ; 
it  is  the  deification  of  disorder.  It  is  political  mad- 
ness. 

If  liberty  with  law  is  fire  on  the  hearth,  liberty  without 
law  is  fire  on  the  floor.  —  George  S.  Hillard. 

Take  away  sovereignty  from  the  state  and  liberty  perishes. 
The  difference  between  liberty  and  anarchy  is,  that  the  one 
is  freedom  under  law,  and  the  other  freedom  without  law. 
Deprive  the  state  of  the  power  to  make  and  execute  the  law, 
and  you  leave  each  individual  to  bo  a  law  unto  himself.  You 
reduce  him  to  the  status  of  a  savage.  -—Frank  &.  Hoffman. 


THE   NATION.  161 

Two  forces  in  their  mutual  play  must  dominate  real  human 
progress.  Each  of  these  forces  is  necessary  to  the  complete- 
ness of  the  other.  One  is  individualism,  the  centrifugal  force, 
the  sense  of  manhood,  self-dependence,  self-endeavor,  self-con- 
trol. This,  become  excessive  and  absolutely  dominant,  is  the 
planet  broken  from  its  center,  rushing  from  its  orbit  into 
destruction  of  itself  and  of  other  men's  rights.  This  is 
anarchy.  -  T.  Edwin  Brown. 

Anarchy  is  abolition  of  right  of  property.  It  makes  your 
store  and  your  house  and  your  money  and  your  family  mine, 
and  mine  yours.  It  is  wholesale  robbery.  It  is  every  man's 
hand  against  every  other  man.  It  is  arson  and  murder  and 
rapine  and  lust  and  death  triumphant.  It  means  no  law,  no 
church,  no  defense,  no  rights,  no  happiness,  no  God. 

-  T.  De  Witt  Talmage. 

The  Anarchists  are  natural  and  avowed  social  rebels.  The 
disease  which  we  are  examining  is  an  old-fashioned  one,  with 
an  old-fashioned  name,  which  scarcely  seems  to  have  a  place  in 
science  any  longer ;  namely,  sin,  rebellion.  It  is  said  that  Cain 
was  the  first  anarchist.  But  there  is  a  story  of  an  older,  and 
far  more  powerful  anarchist,  the  king  of  all  anarchists,  that 
arch-rebel  Satan.  This  does  no  injustice  to  the  anarchists, 
because  the  founder  of  modern  anarchy,  Michael  Bakounm, 
delights  to  honor  Satan.  —  Richard  T.  Ely. 

Nihilism  and  Anarchism  are  going  to  be  reckoned  with  as 
a  social  disease,  and  exterminated  as  fast  as  possible,  always 
with  the  clear  perception  that  they  cannot  overturn  society 
or  stampede  modern  governments.  —  Albert  Shcvtc. 

PAT.   CIT.  11 


1.62  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

Why  does  the  Nation  maintain  an  Army  and  a 
Navy  ? 

To  defend  it  from  assault  when  necessary;  to 
compel  respect  abroad,  and,  if  threatened,  to  pre- 
serve the  peace  at  home. 

Washington  may  fitly  be  called  the  father,  not  only  of  his 
country,  but  as  well  of  the  regular  army.  With  the  clear 
sight  of  a  great  general  he  foresaw  that,  while  a  large  standing 
army  was  to  be  feared  as  hostile  to  that  civil  liberty  he  and 
his  compatriots  of  the  Revolution  had  so  gloriously  struggled 
to  establish  in  America,  a  well-organized,  thoroughly  disci- 
plined, though  small,  body  of  regular  troops  was  absolutely 
essential  to  the  preservation  of  that  same  liberty,  whether 
from  foreign  aggressions  or  internal  strife. 

—  Richard  S.  Tuthill 

Standing  armies,  wherever  necessary,  —  and  they  are  neces- 
sary at  present,  as  well  as  far  preferable  to  the  medieval 
militia,  —  ought  to  be  as  small  as  possible  and  completely 
dependent  on  the  Legislature  for  their  existence.  Great  stand- 
ing armies,  as  we  see  in  the  different  countries  of  the  European 
continent,  are  wholly  incompatible  with  civil  liberty,  by  their 
spirit,  number,  and  cost.  —  Francis  Lieber. 

Experience  has  shown  us  the  need  of  a  small  standing  army 
to  maintain  the  authority  of  the  national  government,  and 
each  state  needs  in  its  turn  a  well-organized,  permanent  force 
of  militia,  to  maintain  its  own  authority  and  support  its  gov- 
ernment in  the  enforcement  of  its  laws. 

—  John  M.  Schofield. 


THE   NATION.  163 

In  relation  to  the  increase  of  a  permanent  military  force,  a 
free  people  cannot  cherish  too  great  a  jealousy.  An  army  may 
wrest  the  power  from  the  hands  of  the  people,  and  deprive 
them  of  their  liberty.  It  becomes  us,  therefore,  to  be  ex- 
tremely cautious  how  we  augment  it.  —  James  A.  Bayard. 

It  is  a  fact  that  the  true  defense  of  a.  nation  of  freemen  lies 
in  the  moral  qualities  and  righteous  spirit  of  the  people ;  it  is, 
therefore,  unnecessary  for  us  to  maintain  such  vast  military 
establishments  as  we  see  in  Europe;  but  there  is  a  necessity 
for  keeping  alive  in  our  Republic  a  knowledge  of  the  art  and 
science  of  war.  — Edwin  C.  Mason. 

All  honor  to  the  Army  of  the  United  States.  Truly  is  its 
muster  roll  shorter  than  the  list  of  its  achievements.  Yet 
amid  all  strictures,  cavil,  and  carping  it  has  a  place  well 
earned  and  warm  in  the  heart  of  this  people,  for  its  generals 
have  never  sought  to  be  dictators  nor  its  regiments  pretorian 
guards,  and  with  them  the  safety  of  the  country  and  the  liber- 
ties of  the  people  are  secure.  And  long,  long  may  it  be  so. 

-  William  E.  Furness. 

Thou,  too,  sail  on,  0  ship  of  State ! 
Sail  on,  0  Union,  strong  and  great ! 
Humanity  with  all  its  fears, 
With  all  the  hopes  of  future  years, 
Is  hanging  breathless  on  thy  fate ! 
We  know  what  master  laid  thy  keel, 
What  workmen  wrought  thy  ribs  of  steel, 
Who  made  each  mast,  and  sail,  and  rope, 
What  anvils  rung,  what  hammers  beat, 
In  what  a  forge  and  what  a  heat 


164  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

Were  shaped  the  anchors  of  thy  hope ! 

Fear  not  each  sudden  sound  and  shock,  — 

?Tis  of  the  wave  and  not  the  rock ; 

'Tis  but  the  napping  of  the  sail, 

And  not  a  rent  made  by  the  gale ! 

In  spite  of  rock  and  tempest  roar, 

In  spite  of  false  lights  011  the  shore, 

Sail  on,  nor  fear  to  breast  the  sea ! 

Our  hearts,  our  hopes,  are  all  with  thee ! 

Our  hearts,  our  hopes,  our  prayers,  our  tears, 

Our  faith  triumphant  o'er  our  fears, 

Are  all  with  thee,  —  are  all  with  thee  ! 

—  Henry  W.  Longfellow. 


THE   WAR    FOR   THE   UNION. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 


Yes,  this  is  he  who  ruled  a  world  of  men 

As  might  some  prophet  of  the  elder  day, 

Brooding  above  the  tempest  and  the  fray 
With  deep-eyed  thought  and  more  than  mortal  ken. 

A  power  was  his  beyond  the  touch  of  art 

Or  armed  strength :  his  pure  and  mighty  heart. 

—  RICHARD  W.  GILDER. 


THE    WAR    FOR   THE    UNION. 


Wliat  is  meant  by  the  Union? 

This  term  is  used  to  designate  the  Republic,  the 
Nation  formed  by  a  union  of  all  the  states.  The 
continuance  of  the  Union  has  ever  been  regarded  as 
essential  to  the  prosperity  and  growth  of  the  Repub- 
lic, its  destruction  as  the  downfall  of  the  Nation. 

Whatever  measures  have  a  tendency  to  dissolve  the  Union, 
or  contribute  to  violate  or  lessen  the  sovereign  authority,  ought 
to  be  considered  as  hostile  to  the  liberty  and  independence 
of  America,  and  the  authors  of  them  treated  accordingly. 

—  George  Washington. 

I  hold  that,  in  contemplation  of  universal  law,  and  of  the 
Constitution,  the  union  of  these  states  is  perpetual.  Perpe- 
tuity is  implied,  if  not  expressed,  in  the  fundamental  law  of 
all  national  governments.  It  is  safe  to  assert  that  no  govern- 
ment proper  ever  had  a  provision  in  its  organic  law  for  its 
own  termination.  — Abraham  Lincoln. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  made  not  merely 
for  the  generation  that  then  existed,  but  for  posterity  —  un- 

167 


168  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

limited,  undefined,  endless,  perpetual  posterity.  And  every 
state  that  then  came  into  the  Union,  and  every  state  that  has 
since  come  into  the  Union,  came  into  it  binding  itself  by  indis- 
soluble bands  to  remain  within  the  Union  itself,  and  to  remain 
within  it  by  its  posterity  forever.  —  Henry  Clay. 

This  glorious  Union  is  bur  world;  while  we  maintain  its 
integrity,  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  must  recognize  our  su- 
premacy and  pay  us  homage ;  disjointed,  forming  two  or  more 
fragmentary  republics,  we  shall  deserve  and  receive  less  con- 
sideration than  the  states  of  Barbary. 

—  Daniel  S.  Dickinson. 

The  Constitution  is  perpetual,  not  provisional  or  temporary. 
It  is  made  for  all  time — "for  ourselves  and  our  posterity." 
It  is  absolute  within  its  sphere.  "  This  Constitution  shall  be 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  anything  in  the  constitution  or 
laws  of  a  state  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding."  Of  what 
value,  then,  is  a  law  of  a  state  declaring  its  connection  with 
the  Union  dissolved?  The  Constitution  remains  supreme, 
and  is  bound  to  assert  its  supremacy  till  overpowered  by  force. 

—  John  Lothrop  Motley. 

While  the  Union  lasts,  we  have  high,  exciting,  gratifying 
prospects  spread  out  before  us,  for  us  and  our  children. 
Beyond  that  I  seek  not  to  penetrate  the  veil.  God  grant  that 
in  my  day,  at  least,  that  curtain  may  not  rise !  God  grant  that 
on  my  vision  never  may  be  opened  what  lies  behind !  When 
my  eyes  shall  be  turned  to  behold,  for  the  last  time,  the  sun 
in  heaven,  may  I  not  see  him  shining  on  the  broken  and  dis- 
honored fragments  of  a  once  glorious  Union;  on  states  dis- 
severed, discordant,  belligerent ;  on  a  land  rent  with  civil  feuds, 
or  drenched,  it  may  be,  in  fraternal  blood !  Let  their  last 


THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION.  169 

feeble  and  lingering  glance  rather  behold  the  gorgeous  ensign 
of  the  Republic,  now  known  and  honored  throughout  the  earth, 
still  full  high  advanced,  its  arms  and  trophies  streaming  in 
their  original  luster,  not  a  stripe  erased  or  polluted,  nor  a 
single  star  obscured,  bearing  for  its  motto  no  such  miserable 
interrogatory  as  —  What  is  all  this  worth  ?  —  nor  those  other 
words  of  delusion  and  folly  —  Liberty  first  and  Union  after- 
wards—  but  everywhere,  spread  all  over  in  characters  of  liv- 
ing light,  blazing  on  all  its  ample  folds,  as  they  float  over  the 
sea  and  over  the  land,  and  in  every  wind  under  the  whole 
heavens,  that  other  sentiment,  dear  to  every  true  Ameri- 
can heart  —  Liberty  and  Union,  now  and  forever,  one  and 
inseparable.  — Daniel  Webster. 


What  is  meant  by  Secession  ? 

John  C.  Calhoun,  Jefferson  Davis,  and  others  con- 
tended that  the  Union  was  not  a  nation  of  people 
bound  together  by  ties  which  could  only  be  broken  by 
revolution,  but  that  it  was  a  confederacy  composed  of 
sovereign  states  that  could  secede  at  pleasure.  In 
1861,  several  Southern  states  passed  ordinances  of 
secession,  which  brought  on  a  war  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Union. 

There  is  no  direct  and  immediate  connection  between  the 
individual  citizens  of  a  state  and  the  general  government. 
The  relation  between  them  is  through  the  state.  The  Union 
is  a  union  of  states  as  communities,  and  not  a  union  of  indi- 
viduals. —  John  C.  Calhoun  (1833). 


170  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP 

The  right  solemnly  proclaimed  at  the  birth  of  the  states, 
and  which  has  been  affirmed  and  reaffirmed  in  the  bills  of 
rights  of  the  states  subsequently  admitted  into  the  Union 
of  1789,  undeniably  recognizes  in  the  people  the  power  to 
resume  the  authority  delegated  for  the  purposes  of  govern- 
ment. Thus  the  sovereign  states  here  represented  proceeded 
to  form  this  Confederacy ;  and  it  is  by  the  abuse  of  language 
that  their  act  has  been  denominated  revolution. 

-Jefferson  Davis  (1861). 

It  is  not  a  question  of  administration,  but  of  government ; 
not  of  politics,  but  of  patriotism ;  not  of  policy,  but  of  prin- 
ciples which  uphold  us  all;  a  question  too  great  for  party; 
between  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  on  one  hand,  and  mis- 
rule and  anarchy  on  the  other ;  between  existence  and  destruc- 
tion. —  Daniel  S.  Dickinson. 

In  the  four  years  from  1861  to  1865  it  cost  both  sides,  the 
North  and  the  South,  probably  eight  thousand  millions  of  dol- 
lars in  money,  and  it  cost  five  hundred  thousand  lives  to  main- 
tain the  great  conflict.  —  Charles  Foster. 

It  is  safe  to  say  that  the  total  number  of  men  furnished  by 
the  states  and  territories  for  the  armies  of  the  United  States, 
after  deducting  those  credited  for  service  in  the  navy,  will 
exceed  2,850,000  men.  —Frederick  PMsterer. 

The  army  which  engaged  in  defense  of  the  American  Union, 
immense  as  its  numbers,  was  composed  of  material  the  equal  of 
which  the  world  never  before  beheld  in  any  army  of  the  same 
magnitude.  It  was  an  army  of  free  and  independent  volunteers, 
and  many  of  whose  soldiers  in  the  ranks,  if  taken  individually, 


THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UXIOX.  171 

and  examined  and  tested  in  all  the  attributes  that  constitute 
a  man,  were  the  peers  of  their  own  immediate  commanding 
officers.  It  was  an  army  entirely  adapted,  as  no  army  ever  was 
before,  to  the  grandeur  and  importance  of  the  cause  it  was 
raised  to  defend.  —  James  E.  Murdoch. 

The  last  w^ar — the  recent  Civil  War — in  the  number  of  men 
engaged  in  it,  in  the  capacity  of  the  weapons  and  instruments 
of  destruction  brought  into  operation,  and  in  the  importance  of 
the  result  to  humanity  at  large,  must  be  esteemed  the  greatest 
war  that  the  history  of  the  world  presents. 

—  Samuel  F.  Miller. 


How  did  the  Civil  War  terminate  f 

The  Confederate  armies  were  defeated ;  the  Con- 
federacy was  overthrown ;  the  Union  was  preserved  ; 
slavery  was  destroyed.  The  Southern  troops  fought 
\vitli  great  courage  and  endured  many  hardships,  but 
they  were  finally  overcome  by  the  superior  numbers 
and  resources  and  the  dauntless  bravery  of  the  Union 
armies. 

The  Nation  triumphed,  and  in  its  triumph  found  new  life  — 
renewing  its  life  by  a  fresh  baptism  in  the  fountains  of  its 
youth,  from  which  flowed  the  sparkling  and  invigorating  waters 
of  impartial  freedom  and  political  equality,  showering  blessings 
upon  victors  and  vanquished  alike.  —Stanley  Matthews. 

Everywhere  throughout  our  country  the  Union  is  regarded 
now  as  indissoluble,  and  everywhere  the  people  rejoice  that 
it  is  so.  We  are  not  to  be  two  nations  of  Anglo-Saxon  people 


172  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

lying  side  by  side,  each,  like  the  unhappy  sections  of  the  Old 
World,  armed  to  the  teeth  on  land  and  sea  against  its  neighbor. 
We  are  to  live  under  one  flag,  and  this  to  be  the  guaranty  to 
us  of  peace  and  prosperity ;  we  are  to  constitute  all  together, 
North,  South,  East,  and  West,  one  government. 

—  Hilary  A.  Herbert. 

I  am  grateful  that  slavery  no  longer  exists,  because  it  is 
better  for  the  entire  people  of  the  South.  It  is  better  for  our 
industries  and  our  business,  as  proved  by  the  crops  that  free 
labor  makes.  But  by  eminence  it  is  better  for  our  social  and 
ethical  development.  We  will  now  begin  to  take  our  right 
place  among  both  the  conservative  and  aggressive  forces  of 
the  civilized  and  Christian  world.  —  Attlcus  G.  Haygood. 

Our  heroes  died  that  there  should  not  be  sunken  in  the  soil 
of  this  land,  the  cornerstone  of  an  empire  of  slavery.  They 
gave  their  lives  to  secure  the  soil  of  this  continent  to  the 
freedom  and  the  utmost  elevation  of  all  human  beings  who 
are  to  live  upon  it.  -  Richard  H.  Dana,  Jr. 

By  your  patriotic  devotion  to  your  country  in  the  hour  of 
danger  and  alarm,  your  magnificent  fighting,  bravery,  and 
endurance,  you  have  maintained  the  supremacy  of  the  Union 
and  the  Constitution,  overthrown  all  armed  opposition  to  the 
enforcement  of  the  laws  and  of  the  proclamation  forever  abol- 
ishing slavery,  —  the  cause  and  pretext  of  secession,  —  and 
opened  the  way  to  the  rightful  authorities  to  restore  order  and 
inaugurate  peace  on  a  permanent  and  enduring  basis  on  every 
foot  of  American  soil.  Your  marches,  sieges,  and  battles,  in  dis- 
tance, duration,  resolution,  and  brilliancy  of  results,  dim  the 
luster  of  the  world's  past  military  achievements,  and  will  be  the 
patriot's  precedent  in  defense  of  liberty  and  right  in  all  time 


THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION.  173 

to  come.  In  obedience  to  your  country's  call,  you  left  your 
homes  and  families,  and  volunteered  in  her  defense.  Victory 
has  crowned  your  valor,  and  secured  the  purpose  of  your 
patriotic  hearts;  and  with  the  gratitude  of  your  countrymen, 
and  the  highest  honors  a  great  and  free  nation  can  accord,  you 
will  soon  be  permitted  to  return  to  your  homes  and  families, 
conscious  of  having  discharged  the  highest  duties  of  American 
citizens.  To  achieve  these  glorious  triumphs,  and  secure  to 
yourselves,  your  fellow-countrymen,  and  posterity  the  blessings 
of  free  institutions,  tens  of  thousands  of  your  gallant  com- 
rades have  fallen,  and  sealed  the  priceless  legacy  with  their 
blood.  The  graves  of  these  a  grateful  nation  bedews  with 
tears  ;  it  honors  their  memories,  and  will  ever  cherish  and  sup- 
port their  stricken  families. 

-  Ulysses  S.  Grant  (Farewell  to  the  Union  Army). 

"Four  hundred  thousand  men, 
The  brave,  the  good,  the  true, 
In  tangled  wood,  in  mountain  glen, 
On  battle  plain,  in  prison  pen, 
Lie  dead,  for  me  and  you ; 
Four  hundred  thousand  of  the  brave 
Have  made  our  ransomed  soil  their  grave, 
For  me  and  you,  kind  friends, 
For  me  and  you."  — Anonymous. 


Give  a  brief  account  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

2,' 

'<*  fit 

He  was  inaugurated  President  of  the  United  States 

March  4th,  1861,  and  was  assassinated  in  April,  1865. 
By  a  very  rare  combination  of  the  qualities  of  a  great 


174  PATRIOTIC    C1TI/KNSHIP. 

leader,  he  carried  the  country  triumphantly  through 
the  perils  of  the  Civil  War,  and  saved  the  Union. 
He  is  now  universally  conceded  to  be  one  of  the 
greatest  men  of  modern  times. 

I  believe  that  in  all  the  annals  of  our  race,  Abraham  Lin- 
coln is  the  finest  example  of  an  unknown  man  rising  from 
obscurity  and  ascending  to  the  loftiest  heights  of  human 
grandeur.  The  conspicuous  causes  which  produced  this  grand 
result  were  inborn  strength,  integrity  of  character,  patriotic 
devotion,  and  the  maturing  influences  of  a  free  country. 

—  James  Speed. 

There,  by  his  courage,  his  justice,  his  even  temper,  his  fer- 
tile counsel,  his  humanity,  he  stood  a  heroic  figure  in  the 
center  of  a  heroic  epoch.  He  is  the  true  history  of  the  Ameri- 
can people  in  his  time.  Step  by  step  he  walked  before  them  ; 
slow  with  their  slowness,  quickening  his  march  by  theirs,  the 
true  representative  of  this  continent ;  an  entirely  public  man ; 
father  of  his  country,  the  pulse  of  twenty  millions  throbbing 
in  his  heart,  the  thought  of  their  minds  articulated  by  his 
tongue.  —  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson. 

This  man,  though  he  fell  by  an  assassin,  still  fell  under  the 
permissive  hand  of  God.  He  had  some  wise  purpose  in  allow- 
ing him  so  to  fall.  What  more  could  he  have  desired  of  life 
for  himself  ?  Were  not  his  honors  full  ?  There  was  no  office 
to  which  he  could  not  aspire.  The  popular  heart  clung  around 
him  as  around  no  other  man.  The  nations  of  the  world  had 
learned  to  honor  our  chief  magistrate.  His  fame  was  full, 
his  work  was  done,  and  he  sealed  his  glory  by  becoming  the 
nation's  great  martyr  for  liberty.  —  Matthew  Simpson. 


THE    WAR   FOR   THE   UNION.  175 

He  was  the  North,  the  South,  the  East,  the  West, 

The  thrall,  the  master,  all  of  us  in  one ; 

There  was  no  section  that  he  held  the  best ; 

His  love  shone  as  impartial  as  the  sun ; 

And  so  revenge  appealed  to  him  in  vain, 

He  smiled  at  it,  as  at  a  thing  forlorn, 

And  gently  put  it  from  him,  rose  and  stood 

A  moment's  space  in  pain, 
Remembering  the  prairies  and  the  corn 
And  the  glad  voices  of  the  field  and  wood. 
******** 

And  then  when  Peace  set  wing  upon  the  wind 
And  Northward  flying  fanned  the  clouds  away, 
He  passed  as  martyrs  pass.     Ah,  who  shall  find 
The  chord  to  sound  the  pathos  of  that  day ! 
Mid-April  blowing  sweet  across  the  land, 
New  bloom  of  freedom  opening  to  the  world, 
Loud  peans  of  the  homeward  looking  host, 

The  salutations  grand 

From  grimy  guns,  the  tattered  flags  unfurled ; 
But  he  must  sleep  to  all  the  glory  lost ! 
******** 

—  Maurice  Thompson. 

Four  years  ago,  oh,  Illinois,  we  took  from  your  midst  an 
untried  man,  and  from  among  the  people.  We  return  him  to 
you  a  mighty  conqueror.  Not  thine  any  more,  but  the  nation's ; 
not  ours,  but  the  world's.  Give  him  place,  oh,  ye  prairies ! 
In  the  midst  of  this  great  continent  his  dust  shall  rest,  a 
sacred  treasure  to  myriads  who  shall  pilgrim  to  that  shrine  to 
kindle  anew  their  zeal  and  patriotism.  Ye  winds  that  move 
over  the  mighty  places  of  the  West,  chant  his  requiem !  Ye 


176  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

people,  behold  a  martyr  whose  blood,  as  so  many  articulate 
words,  pleads  for  fidelity,  for  law,  for  liberty  ! 

—  Henry  Ward  Beecher. 

This  bronze  doth  keep  the  very  form  and  mold 

Of  our  great  martyr's  face.     Yes,  this  is  he : 

That  brow  all  wisdom,  all  benignity ; 

That  human,  humorous  mouth ;  those  cheeks  that  hold 
Like  some  harsh  landscape  all  the  summer's  gold ; 

That  spirit  fit  for  sorrow,  as  the  sea 

For  storms  to  beat  on  ;  the  lone  agony 

Those  silent,  patient  lips  too  well  foretold. 
Yes,  this  is  he  who  ruled  a  world  of  men 

As  might  some  prophet  of  the  elder  day,  — 

Brooding  above  the  tempest  and  the  fray 
With  deep-eyed  thought  and  more  than  mortal  ken. 

A  power  was  his  beyond  the  touch  of  art 

Or  armed  strength  :  his  pure  and  mighty  heart. 

—  Richard  W.  Gilder. 


What  gives  special  luster  to  Lincoln's  adminis- 
Isration  ? 

His  immortal  Proclamation  of  Emancipation,  by 
which  four  millions  of  slaves  became  free  men,  and 
slavery  disappeared  from  the  continent. 

It  had  got  to  be  midsummer,  1862.  Things  had  gone  on 
from  bad  to  worse,  until  I  felt  that  we  had  reached  the  end  of 
our  rope  on  the  plan  of  operations  we  had  been  pursuing ;  that 
we  had  about  played  our  last  card,  and  must  change  our  tactics 


THE    WAR   FOR   THE   UNION.  177 

or  lose  the  game.  I  now  determined  upon  the  adoption  of 
the  emancipation  policy,  and  without  consultation  with  or  the 
knowledge  of  the  Cabinet,  I  prepared  the  original  draft  of  the 
proclamation,  and,  after  much  anxious  thought,  called  a  Cab- 
inet meeting  on  the  subject.  This  was  the  last  of  July  or  the 
first  part  of  the  month  of  August,  1862.  I  said  to  the  Cabinet 
that  I  had  resolved  upon  this  step,  and  had  not  called  them 
together  to  ask  their  advice,  but  to  lay  the  subject  matter  of 
the  proclamation  before  them,  suggestions  as  to  which  would 
be  in  order  after  they  had  heard  it  read. 

—  Abraham  Lincoln. 

We  are  thankful  that  God  gave  to  Abraham  Lincoln  the 
decision  and  wisdom  and  grace  to  issue  that  proclamation, 
which  stands  high  above  all  other  papers  which  have  been 
penned  by  uninspired  men.  — Matthew  Simpson. 

There  is  no  other  individual  act  performed  by  any  person 
on  this  continent  that  can  be  compared  with  it. 

—  George  S.  Bouttvell. 

The  immense  social  and  political  forces  which  the  existence 
of  slavery  in  this  country  and  the  invincible  repugnance  to  it 
of  the  vital  principles  of  our  state  together  generated,  have 
had  their  play  upon  the  passions  and  the  interests  of  this 
people,  have  formed  the  basis  of  parties,  divided  sects,  agitated 
and  invigorated  the  popular  mind,  inspired  the  eloquence, 
inflamed  the  zeal,  informed  the  understandings,  and  fired  the 
hearts  of  three  generations.  At  last  the  dread  debate  escaped 
all  bounds  of  reason,  and  the  nation  in  arms  solved,  by  the 
appeal  of  war,  what  was  too  hard  for  civil  wisdom.  With  our 
territory  unmutilated,  our  Constitution  uncorrupted,  a  united 

PAT.    C1T.  —-12 


178  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

people,  in  the  last  years  of  the  century,  crowns  with  a  new 
glory  the  immortal  truths  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
by  the  emancipation  of  a  race.  —  William  M.  Evarts. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  was  no  more  the  natural, 
logical,  and  legitimate  consequence  of  the  struggle  for  colonial 
rights  and  liberties  than  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  is  the 
natural,  logical,  and  legitimate  consequence  of  our  struggle  for 
the  Union.  The  Emancipation  Proclamation  is  the  true  sister 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence;  it  is  the  supplementary 
act;  it  is  the  Declaration  of  Independence  translated  from 
universal  principle  into  universal  fact.  And  the  two  great 
state  papers  will  stand  in  the  history  of  this  country  as  the 
proudest  monuments,  not  only  of  American  statesmanship, 
American  spirit,  and  American  virtue,  but  also  of  the  earnest- 
ness and  good  faith  of  the  American  heart.  The  Fourth  of 
July,  1776,  will  shine  with  tenfold  luster,  for  its  glory  is  at 
last  completed  by  the  first  of  January,  1863. 

—  Carl  Sclmrz. 

A  shout  of  joy  from  the  redeemed  is  sent ; 

Ten  thousand  hamlets  swell  the  hymn  of  thanks ; 
Our  rivers  roll  exulting,  and  their  banks 
Send  up  hosannas  to  the  firmament ! 

Fields,  where  the  bondman's  toil 
No  more  shall  trench  the  soil, 
Seem  now  to  bask  in  a  serener  day ; 

The  meadow-birds  sing  sweeter,  and  the  airs 
Of  heaven  with  more  caressing  softness  play, 

Welcoming  man  to  liberty  like  theirs. 
A  glory  clothes  the  land  from  sea  to  sea, 
For  the  great  land  and  all  its  coasts  are  free. 

—  William  Cullen  Bryant. 


THE    WAR    FOR   THE   UNION.  179 

It  was  well  to  delay  the  steamers  at  the  wharves  until  this 
edict  could  be  put  on  board.  It  will  be  an  insurance  to  the 
ship  as  it  goes  plunging  through  the  sea  with  glad  tidings  to 
all  people.  Happy  are  the  young,  who  find  the  pestilence 
cleansed  out  of  the  earth,  leaving  open  to  them  an  honest 
career.  Happy  the  old,  who  see  [Nature  purified  before  they 
depart.  Do  not  let  the  dying  die ;  hold  them  back  to  this 
world  until  you  have  charged  their  ear  and  heart  with  this 
message  to  other  spiritual  societies,  announcing  the  ameliora- 
tion of  our  planet.  —  lialpli  Waldo  Emerson. 


Name  some  of  the  illustrious  men  who  were  asso- 
ciated with  Lincoln  in  the  preservation  of  the  Union. 

The  list  is  long,  and  includes  such  generals  as  Grant, 
Sherman,  Sheridan,  and  Thomas;  such  naval  officers 
as  Farragut  and  Porter;  such  statesmen  as  Seward, 
Chase,  Stan  ton,  and  Sherman;  such  governors  as 
Andrew,  Curtin,  Morton,  and  Yates.  It  was  the 
heroic  age  of  the  Nation  and  developed  thousands  of 
able  men  and  patriotic  women. 

Jefferson  Davis  was  President  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy  and  General  Robert  E.  Lee  commanded 
the  Southern  armies  with  great  skill.  The  Southern 
people  showed  remarkable  courage,  self-sacrifice,  and 
fortitude. 

Whether  living  or  dead,  the  name  of  Grant  will  be  forever 
associated  with  the  few  immortal  names  in  American  history 


180  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

who  have  clone  most  of   all  for  the   protection   and   defense 
of  the  American  Union.  —  John  Sherman. 

Grant  entered  the  sulphurous  flames  of  war  almost  unknown. 
It  was  with  difficulty  that  he  could  obtain  a  command.  Once 
set  forward,  Donelson,  Shiloh,  Vicksburg,  Chickamauga,  the 
Wilderness,  Spottsylvania,  Petersburg,  and  Appomattox  were 
his  footsteps.  In  four  years  he  had  risen,  without  political 
favor,  from  the  bottom  to  the  very  highest  command,  not 
second  to  any  living  commander  in  any  part  of  the  world. 

—  Henry  Ward  Beecher. 

Of  commanding  stature,  martial  bearing,  and  graceful  car- 
riage, the  bare  sight  of  General  Sherman  was  enough  to  attract 
attention  and  excite  admiration  in  any  assemblage.  He  seemed 
by  intuition  to  know  all  about  nature,  science,  literature,  and 
art ;  he  was  in  public  speech  fluent,  versatile,  and  forcible ;  his 
sharp,  crisp,  and  striking  utterances  fell  upon  the  ear  like  the 
rattle  of  musketry.  He  wrote  as  well  as  he  talked,  having  a 
military  directness  and  precision  of  statement  that  was  almost 
classical  in  simplicity  and  strength.  Born  to  command,  he 
knew  how  to  obey.  Proud  to  do  right,  he  was  humility  itself 
in  the  presence  of  duty.  Possessed  of  all  the  autocratic  power 
that  belonged  to  his  exalted  rank,  he  never  allowed  himself  to 
forget  or  disregard  the  rights  of  the  humblest  of  his  private 
soldiers.  —  James  B.  Fordker. 

The  home-coming  at  the  North  was  almost  as  sorrowful  as 
at  the  South,  because  of  those  that  came  not.  In  all  the  fes- 
tivities and  rejoicings  there  was  hardly  a  participator  whose 
joy  was  not  saddened  by  missing  some  well-known  face  and 
form  now  numbered  with  the  silent  three  hundred  thousand. 
Grant  was  there,  the  commander  that  had  never  taken  a  step 


THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION.  181 

backward ;  and  Farragut  was  there,  the  sailor  without  an  equal ; 
and  the  unfailing  Sherman,  and  the  patient  Thomas,  and  the 
intrepid  Hancock,  and  the  fiery  Sheridan,  and  the  brilliant 
Ouster  and  many  of  lesser  rank,  who  in  a  smaller  theater  of 
conflict  would  have  won  a  larger  fame.  But  where  was  young 
Ellsworth?  Shot  dead  as  soon  as  he  crossed  the  Potomac. 
And  Winthrop  —  killed  in  the  first  battle,  with  his  best  books 
unwritten.  And  Lyon  —  fallen  at  the  head  of  his  little  army 
in  Missouri,  the  first  summer  of  the  war.  And  Baker  —  sacri- 
ficed at  Ball's  Bluff.  And  Kearny  at  Chantilly,  and  Keno  at 
South  Mountain,  and  Mansfield  at  Antietam,  and  Reynolds  at 
Gettysburg,  and  Wadsworth  in  the  Wilderness,  and  Sedgwick 
at  Spottsylvania,  and  McPherson  before  Atlanta,  and  Craven 
in  his  monitor  at  the  bottom  of  the  sea,  and  thousands  of 
others,  the  best  and  bravest,  all  gone  —  all,  like  Latour,  the 
immortal  captain,  dead  on  the  field  of  honor,  but  none  the  less 
dead  and  a  loss  to  their  mourning  country. 

—  Rossiter  Johnson. 


How  does  the  Nation  show  its  appreciation  of  the 
services  of  its  soldiers  f 

By  granting  pensions  to  the  wounded  and  disabled 
and  to  the  widows  and  orphans.  Many  costly  and 
beautiful  monuments  have  been  erected  to  commem- 
orate their  valor;  their  graves  are  decorated  on 
Memorial  Day ;  the  battlefields  of  Gettysburg  and 
Chickamauga  have  been  converted  into  National 
Parks,  and  monuments  mark  the  positions  of  the 
contending  forces. 


182  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

We  may  adorn  with,  loving  tributes  the  resting  place  of  our 
beloved  dead ;  the  flowers  which  are  strewn  may  symbolize 
the  living  fragrance  of  their  memory ;  but  we  shall  honor  them 
the  most  by  having  their  example  teach,  us  to  love  our  country 
more,  to  value  its  dearly  purchased  institutions  more,  to  prize 
its  manifold  blessings  more,  and  to  advance  its  greatness  and 
true  glory  more.  —  Sclmyler  Colfax. 

We  honor  our  heroic  and  patriotic  dead  by  being  true  men; 
as  true  men  by  faithfully  fighting  the  battles  of  our  day 
as  they  fought  the  battles  of  their  day.  The  flower  of  a  true 
and  beautiful  life  is  the  flower  to  put  upon  the  soldier's  grave. 
Trueness  to  our  country  is  the  best  way  to  honor  the  soldier 
who  fell  in  the  defense  of  his  country.  —David  Gregg. 

Let  our  children  know  the  names  and  deeds  of  the  men 
who  preserved  the  Union ;  let  piety  and  patriotism  sweetly 
unite  in  forming  the  character  of  our  children,  that  we  may 
have  a  race  of  loyal  and  noble  Americans  to  carry  forward  the 
triumphs  of  liberty  after  those  who  won  it  have  gone  to  their 
reward.  —  Robert  S.  MacArthur. 

They  never  fail  who  die 

In  a  great  cause.     The  block  may  soak  their  gore; 
Their  heads  may  sodden  in  the  sun ;  their  limbs 
Be  strung  to  city  gates  and  castle  walls ; 
But  still  their  spirit  walks  abroad.     Though  years 
Elapse,  and  others  share  as  dark  a  doom, 
They  but  augment  the  deep  and  sweeping  thoughts 
Which  overpower  all  others,  and  conduct 
The  world  at  last  to  Freedom.  — Byron. 

How  grand  the  exhibitions  of  the  same  generous  impulses, 
that  characterize  this  memorable  battlefield!  (Gettysburg.) 


THE   WAR    FOR   THE   UNION.  188 

My  fellow-countrymen  of  the  North,  if  I  may  be  permitted 
to  speak  for  those  whom  I  represent,  let  me  assure  you  that, 
in  the  profoundest  depths  of  their  nature,  they  reciprocate 
that  generosity,  with  all  the  manliness  and  sincerity  of  which 
brave  men  are  capable.  In  token  of  that  sincerity  they  join 
in  consecrating,  for  annual  patriotic  pilgrimage,  these  historic 
heights,  which  drank  such  copious  draughts  of  American  blood, 
poured  so  freely  in  discharge  of  duty,  as  each  conceived  it,  — 
a  Mecca  for  the  North,  which  so  grandly  defended,  —  a  Mecca 
for  the  South,  which  so  bravely  and  persistently  stormed  it. 

We  join  you  in  setting  apart  this  land  as  an  enduring  monu- 
ment of  peace,  brotherhood,  and  perpetual  union.  I  repeat 
the  thought,  with  additional  emphasis,  with  singleness  of  heart 
and  of  purpose,  in  the  name  of  a  common  country,  and  of  uni- 
versal human  liberty;  and,  by  the  blood  of  our  fallen  brothers, 
we  unite  in  the  solemn  consecration  of  these  hallowed  hills,  as 
a  holy,  eternal  pledge  of  fidelity  to  the  life,  freedom,  and  unity 
of  this  cherished  Republic.  — John  B.  Gordon. 

Breathe  balmy  airs,  ye  fragrant  flowers, 

O'er  every  silent  sleeper's  head ; 
Ye  crystal  dews  and  summer  showers, 

1  >ress  in  fresh  green  each  lowly  bed. 

Strew  loving  offerings  o'er  the  brave, 

Their  country's  joy,  their  country's  pride; 

For  us  their  precious  lives  they  gave, 
For  Freedom's  sacred  cause  they  died. 

Long,  where  on  glory's  fields  they  fell, 
May  Freedom's  spotless  banner  wave, 

And  fragrant  tributes  grateful  tell 

Where  live  the  free,  where  sleep  the  brave. 

—  Samuel  F.  Smith. 


184  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

What  was  the  influence  of  the  Civil  War  upon 
American  Patriotism  ? 

It  far  exceeded  that  of  any  other  event  in  our  his- 
tory ;  it  was  a  patriotic  epoch.  More  than  four 
years  were  crowded  with  great  battles  and  heroic 
deeds ;  men  of  splendid  talents  appeared  in  all  the 
great  posts  of  duty ;  the  Republic  proved  itself  able 
to  resist  the  tremendous  strain  brought  upon  it. 
The  war  awakened  enthusiasm  at  home,  and  com- 
manded the  respect  of  the  world.  When  it  was 
over,  the  army  of  civilian  soldiers  set  a  memorable 
example  of  patriotism  by  returning  quietly  to  their 
homes,  and  resuming  the  avocations  of  peace.  Four 
million  slaves  were  converted  into  so  many  liberty- 
loving  freemen.  The  South  returned  to  its  alle- 
giance, and  now  vies  with  the  North  in  patriotic 
devotion  to  the  Union. 

By  the  middle  of  the  autumn  nearly  786,000  officers  and 
men  were  mustered  out  of  the  service,  and  had  quietly  resumed 
the  peaceful  occupations  they  had  laid  down  at  the  call  of  the 
country.  Never  before,  in  the  world's  history,  had  such  vast 
armies  been  dissolved  so  rapidly,  without  disorders  of  any 
kind,  furnishing  convincing  proof,  if  any  were  needed,  of  the 
powers  of  the  great  Republic  for  self-government. 

—  George  H.  Preble. 

The  new  South  is  enamored  of  her  work.  Her  soul  is 
stirred  with  the  breath  of  a  new  life.  The  light  of  a  grander 


THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION.  185 

day  is  falling  fair  on  her  face.  She  is  thrilling  with  the  con- 
sciousness of  growing  power  and  prosperity.  As  she  stands 
full-statured  and  equal  among  the  peoples  of  the  earth,  breath- 
ing the  keen  air  and  looking  out  upon  an  expanding  horizon, 
she  understands  that  her  emancipation  came  because,  in  the 
inscrutable  wisdom  of  God,  her  honest  purpose  was  crossed 
and  her  brave  armies  were  beaten.  —  Henry  W.  Grady. 

With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firm- 
ness in  the  right,  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive 
on  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in,  to  bind  up  the  nation's 
wounds,  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle,  and 
for  his  widow  and  his  orphans  —  to  do  all  which  may  achieve 
and  cherish  a  just  and  lasting  peace  among  ourselves  and  with 
all  nations.  — Abraham  Lincoln  (Last  Inat"j"r<il  Address). 

The  truth  is,  the  war  is  over,  and  the  country  is  whole 
again.  The  people,  always  homogeneous,  have  a  common 
national  interest.  For  my  part,  I  have  never  believed  in 
isothermal  lines,  air  lines,  and  water  lines  separating  distinct 
races.  I  no  more  believe  that  that  river  yonder,  dividing 
Indiana  and  Kentucky,  marks  off  two  distinct  species  than  I 
believe  that  the  great  Hudson,  flowing  through  the  State  of 
New  York,  marks  off  distinct  species.  Such  theories  only 
live  in  the  fancy  of  morbid  minds.  We  are  all  one  people. 
Commercially,  financially,  morally,  we  are  one  people.  Divide 
as  we  will  into  parties,  we  are  one  people.  It  is  this  sense 
which  gives  a  guarantee  of  peace  and  order  at  the  South,  and 
offers  a  sure  and  lasting  escort  to  all  the  capital  which  may 
come  to  us  for  investment.  — Henry  Watterson. 

The  war  built  upon  more  certain  and  enduring  foundations 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  it  stands  upon  a 


186  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

broader  and  stronger  basis  than  before.  Were  we  honest  in 
our  convictions  ?  Yes.  Were  we  sincere  in  our  allegiance  to 
the  Confederate  States  ?  Yes.  Does  this  affect  our  loyalty 
to  the  government  of  the  United  States  ?  Not  at  all.  Loyalty, 
free  and  honest  loyalty  to  the  government  as  it  is,  is  not 
repugnant  to  a  past  loyalty  to  that  adolescent  nation  whose 
star  shone  with  abnormal  brilliancy  for  a  few  short  years, 
and  then  vanished  into  the  blackness  of  eternal  night.  The 
men  who  followed  the  "  Stars  and  Bars "  from  Bethel  to 
Appomattox  with  ceaseless  devotion,  defended  them  amid  the 
whirlpool  of  blood  that  surged  and  eddied  around  Malvern 
Hill,  carried  them  up  the  crimson  slopes  of  Gettysburg,  fol- 
lowed them  into  the  jaws  of  death  at  Spottsylvania,  shielded 
them  like  a  tiger  at  bay  over  its  young  behind  the  earthworks 
of  Petersburg,  furled  them  at  Appomattox  forever  and  forever. 
The  duties,  the  obligations,  the  allegiance  of  a  citizen,  are  not 
inconsistent  with  the  sympathies  and  memories  of  a  soldier ; 
and  if  those  dead  heroes  could  defile  before  us,  in  the  glory 
of  yon  setting  sun,  in  serried  ghostly  phalanx,  they  would 
declare  the  gospel  of  loyalty  and  peace  and  reconciliation. 

—  Charles  M.  Bushee. 


Was  the  War  for  the  Union  just? 

Yes ;  it  was  a  supreme  act  of  national  self- 
preservation.  It  was  the  patriotic,  heroic  effort 
of  a  free  people  to  preserve  their  liberties,  pro- 
tect their  Constitution,  and  save  the  life  of  the 
Nation.  It  was  not  a  war  of  subjugation  or  of 
conquest. 


THE    WAR   FOR   THE    UNION.  187 

In  my  view  of  the  present  aspect  of  affairs,  there  need  be 
no  bloodshed  or  war.  There  is  no  necessity  for  it.  I  am  not 
in  favor  of  such  a  course ;  and  I  may  say  in  advance  that 
there  will  be  no  bloodshed  unless  it  be  forced  upon  the  govern- 
ment, and  then  it  will  be  compelled  to  act  in  self-defence. 

—  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Let  us  remember  that  we  owe  it  to  our  country  and  to 
mankind  that  this  war  shall  have  for  its  conclusion  the  estab- 
lishing of  the  principle  of  democratic  government,  —  the  simple 
principle  that  whatever  party,  whatever  portion  of  the  com- 
munity prevails  by  constitutional  suffrage  in  an  election,  that 
party  is  to  be  respected  and  maintained  in  power  until  it  shall 
give  place,  on  another  trial  and  another  verdict,  to  a  different 
portion  of  the  people.  If  you  do  not  do  this,  you  are  drifting 
at  once  and  irresistibly  to  the  very  verge  of  universal,  cheer- 
less, and  hopeless  anarchy.  But  with  that  principle,  this 
government  of  ours  —  the  purest,  the  best,  the  wisest,  and  the 
happiest  in  the  world  —  must  be,  and, -so  far  as  we  are  concerned, 
practically  will  be,  immortal.  —  1 1  'illiam  H.  Seivard. 

What  was  our  war  ?  How  should  it  be  looked  upon  ?  It 
was  not  the  result  of  men's  ambition,  North  or  South.  It  was 
not  a  contest  for  territory.  It  could  not  have  been  prevented, 
although  it  might  have  been  postponed,  by  the  action  of  any 
political  party.  Our  war  was  simply  fighting  out,  upon  a  new 
field,  and  under  more  enlightened  auspices,  a  contest  that  had 
been  waged  for  centuries  among  the  people  from  whose  loins 
we  sprung.  It  was  the  clash  of  two  civilizations,  so  antag- 
onistic in  their  conceptions,  so  antipodal  in  their  means  and 
methods  of  development,  as  to  make  impossible  harmony  of 
action,  or  peaceful  growth  side  by  side.  The  North  and  South 
were  in  direct  opposition  as  to  the  best  methods  of  governing 


188  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

and  perpetuating  the  heritage  left  them  by  their  fathers.  Their 
conceptions  were  so  radically  different,  that  peaceful  measures 
could  not  adjust  or  reconcile  them.  One  or  the  other  must 
yield.  —  George  A.  Sheridan. 

The  practice  and  institution  of  slavery,  legalized  in  an 
entire  section  of  the  country,  made  of  us  two  peoples,  instead 
of  one.  It  divided  the  country  into  two  sections,  arrayed  into 
hostile,  political  camps,  which  soon,  and  most  logically,  were 
converted  into  military  camps.  On  our  side,  we  fought  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  Nation,  in  the  interest  of  civil  and 
political  liberty.  And  if,  on  the  other  side,  slavery  was  worth 
lighting  for  at  all  —  which  it  was  not  —  the  war  did  not  come 
too  soon.  For  the  time  had  come  when  the  issue  had  to  be 
met  and  settled  whether  slavery  or  the  Nation  should  die ; 
for  both  could  not  much  longer  live.  —  Stanley  Matthews. 

There  grows  a  fair  palmetto  in  the  sunny  Southern  lands ; 
Upon  the  stern  New  England  hills  a  somber  pine  tree  stands ; 
And  each  towers  like  a  monument  above  the  perished  brave ; 
A  grave  'neath  the  palmetto  —  beneath  the  pine  a  grave. 

The  Carolina  widow  comes  this  bright  May  day  to  spread 
Magnolia  and  jessamine  above  her  soldier  dead. 
And  the  Northern  mother  violets  strews  upon  her  son  below,  — 
Her  only  son,  who  fell  so  many  weary  years  ago. 

Tears  for  the  gallant  Yankee  boy  —  one  of  Grant's  heroes  he ; 
Tears  for  the  stalwart  Southern  man  —  the  man  who  marched 

with  Lee ; 

But  love,  and  only  love,  between  the  lonely  ones  who  twine 
Their  wreaths  'neath  the  palmetto  —  their  chaplets  'neath  the 

pine.  —  Manley  H.  Pike. 


THE    NEGROES 


FREDERICK    DOUGLASS. 

Let  wrong  and  hatred  cease ; 
The  races  dwell  in  peace, 

Throughout  the  land. 
And  Justice,  — color-blind, 
Take  cognizance  of  Mind, 
And  all  to  each  be  kind. 


From  strand  to  strand. 


—  WALTER  H.  BROOKS. 


THE    NEGROES. 


Give  some  account  of  the  Negroes. 

They  were  originally  brought  from  Africa  and 
sold  to  the  colonists  as  slaves.  In  their  native 
country  they  were  ignorant  and  degraded  barba- 
rians, some  of  them  savages. 

We  have  seen  nothing  to  justify  the  notion  that  they  are 
of  a  different  "breed"  or  "species"  from  the  most  civilized. 
The  African  is  a  man,  with  every  attribute  of  human  kind. 

—  David  Livingstone. 

Virginia  was  the  mother  of  slavery  as  well  as  "  the  mother 
of  Presidents."  Unfortunate  for  her,  unfortunate  for  the 
other  colonies,  and  thrice  unfortunate  for  the  poor  colored 
people,  who,  from  1619  to  1863,  yielded  their  liberty,  their 
toil,  —  unrequited,  —  their  bodies  and  intellects  to  an  institu- 
tion that  ground  them  to  powder.  No  event  in  the  history  of 
North  America  has  carried  with  it  to  the  last  analysis  such 
terrible  forces.  It  touched  the  brightest  features  of  social  life, 
and  they  faded  under  the  contact  of  its  poisonous  breath.  It 
affected  legislation,  local  and  national ;  it  made  and  destroyed 
statesmen ;  it  prostrated  and  bullied  honest  public  sentiment ; 

191 


192  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

it  strangled  the  voice  of  the  press,  and  awed  the  pulpit  into 
silent  acquiescence ;  it  organized  the  judiciary  of  states,  and 
wrote  decisions  for  judges ;  it  gave  states  their  political  being, 
and  afterwards  dragged  them  by  the  fore  hair  through  the 
stormy  sea  of  civil  war,  and  through  all  time  to  come  no 
event  will  be  more  sincerely  deplored  than  the  introduction 
of  slavery  into  the  colony  of  Virginia  during  the  last  days  of 
the  month  of  August  in  the  year  1619. 

—  George  W.  Williams. 

From  the  earliest  monuments  it  appears  that  one  race  was 
victim  and  served  the  other  races.  In  the  oldest  temples  of 
Egypt,  Negro  captives  are  painted  on  the  tombs  of  kings  in 
such  attitudes  as  to  show  that  they  are  on  the  point  of  being 
executed;  and  Herodotus,  our  oldest  historian,  relates  that 
the  Troglodytes  hunted  the  Ethiopians  in  four-horse  chariots. 
From  the  earliest  time  the  Negro  has  been  an  article  of  luxury 
to  the  commercial  nations.  So  has  it  been  down  to  the  day 
that  has  just  dawned  on  the  world. 

—  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson. 

The  slaves  at  first  did  not  speak  English,  and  they  prac- 
ticed many  wild  customs,  especially  at  the  burial  of  their  dead. 
Some  of  them  were  fierce,  and  the  white  people  were  afraid 
of  them.  Great  harshness  was  used  to  subdue  them.  The 
Negroes  often  made  bloody  insurrections,  which  were  put 
down  with  great  severity.  One  of  these  was  in  New  York 
city  in  1712.  Twenty-four  Negroes  were  put  to  death  on  this 
occasion,  some  of  them  in  the  cruel  ways  used  in  that  time. 
In  1740  there  was  an  uprising  of  slaves  in  South  Carolina,  and 
a  battle  between  them  and  the  white  people,  in  which  the 
Negroes  were  routed.  In  1741,  on  a  bare  suspicion  of  intended 
insurrection,  thirty-three  slaves  were  executed  in  New  York, 


THE   NEGROES.  193 

« 

thirteen  of  them  by  lire.  Like  severity  was  shown  in  other 
colonies,  for  people  were  more  cruel  in  that  day  than  in  later 
times.  —  Edward  Eggleston. 

The  first  glimpses  of  our  history  in.  this  country  make  it 
evident  that  our  mission  here  is  providential  and  peculiar. 
Although  every  page  of  this  history,  from  1620  to  1863,  is 
written  in  blood  and  tears,  it  was  the  carrying  out  of  a  Divine 
plan,  —  the  execution  of  a  part  of  the  great  work  of  God. 
Some  one  may  ask,  Can  you  look  at  your  ancestors  torn  from 
Hi  fir  native  land,  see  children  separated  from  parents  and 
Avivcs  from  husbands,  and  say  it  was  God's  plan?  Can  you 
bring  to  mind  the  horrors  of  tin-  "  middle  passage,"  and  then 
follow  the  wrongs,  cruelties,  and  inhumanities  of  more  than 
two  centuries  and  say  it  is  God's  way?  I  answer,  yes.  The 
slave  trade  meant  evil,  but  God  overruled  it  for  good.  In 
this,  the  wrath  of  men  is  to  praise  Him.  —  J.  C.  Price. 

On  him  alone  was  the  doom  of  pain, 

From  the  morning  of  his  birth  ; 
On  him  alone  tin-  curse  of  Cain 
Fell,  like  a  flail  on  the  garnered  grain, 

And  struck  him  to  the  earth. 

Hr.  L»it(/f<'Uow. 


Was  their  condition  improved  by  Slavery  f 

In  many  respects  it  was.  They  were  brought  into 
contact  with  a  civilized,  intelligent  people ;  they 
learned  the  English  language ;  acquired  habits  of 
industry ;  imbibed  a  love  of  freedom  and  a  desire 

PAT.  CIT.  —  13 


194  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

* 

for  education.  Multitudes  of  them  were  converted 
to  Christianity.  But  any  benefits  arising  from  slavery 
were  incidental ;  the  system  was  essentially  bad. 

It  is  a  matter  of  great  anxiety  and  concern  to  me  that  the 
slave  trade  is  sometimes  perpetrated  under  the  flag  of  liberty, 
our  dear,  noble  stars  and  stripes,  to  which  virtue  and  glory 
have  been  constant  standard  bearers.  I  would  never  have 
drawn  my  sword  in  the  cause  of  America  could  I  have  conceived 
that  thereby  I  was  founding  a  land  of  slavery. 

—  Marquis  de  Lafayette. 

Enslave  a  man  and  you  destroy  his  ambition,  his  enterprise, 
his  capacity.  In  the  constitution  of  human  nature,  the  desire 
of  bettering  one's  condition  is  the  mainspring  of  effort.  The 
first  touch  of  slavery  snaps  this  spring.  —  Horace  Mann. 

Every  benefit  which  slavery  conferred  upon  those  subject 
to  it,  all  the  ameliorating  and  humanizing  tendencies  it  intro- 
duced into  the  life  of  the  African,  all  the  elevating  agencies 
which  lifted  him  higher  in  the  scale  of  rational  moral  being, 
were  the  elements  of  the  future  and  inevitable  destruction  of 
the  system.  — L.  Q.  C.  Lamar. 

I,  for  one,  thank  God  that  there  is  no  longer  slavery  in 
these  United  States.  I  am  persuaded  that  I  only  say  what 
the  vast  majority  of  our  people  feel  and  believe.  I  do  not 
forget  the  better  characteristics  of  African  slavery  as  it 
existed  among  us  for  so  long  a  time  under  the  sanction  of 
national  law  and  under  the  protection  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States;  I  do  not  forget  that  its  worst  features 
were  often  cruelly  exaggerated,  and  that  its  best  were  unfairly 


THE   NEGROES.  195 

minified ;  more  than  all,  I  do  not  forget  that,  in  the  provi- 
dence of  God,  a  work  that  is  without  a  parallel  in  history  was 
done  011  the  Southern  plantations,  —  a  work  that  was  begun 
by  such  men  as  Bishop  Capers,  of  South  Carolina,  Lovick 
1'ierce,  and  Bishop  Andrew,  of  Georgia,  and  by  men  like 
minded  with  them,  —  a  work  whose  expenses  were  met  by  the 
slaveholders  themselves,  —  a  work  that  resulted  in  the  Chris- 
tianizing of  a  full  half  million  of  the  African  people,  who 
became  communicants  of  our  churches,  and  of  nearly  the 
whole  four  or  five  millions  who  were  brought  largely  under 
the  all-pervasive  and  redeeming  influence  of  our  holy  religion. 

—  Atticus  G.  Hayyood. 

The  Negro  race  was  to  be  preserved  for  a  special  and 
Important  work  in  the  future,  or  the  precise  nature  of  that 
work,  no  one  can  form  any  definite  eoneejitioii.  It  is  probable 
th;il  if  foreign  races  had  been  allowed  to  enter  their  country 
they  would  have  been  destroyed.  So  they  were  brought  over 
to  be  helpers  in  this  country  and  at  the  same  time  to  be  pre- 
served. It  was  not  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  world 
Hut  a  people  have  been  preserved  by  subjection  to  another 
people.  \Ye  know  that  (iod  promised  Abraham  that  his  seed 
would  inherit  the  land  of  Canaan;  but  when  he  saw  that 
in  their  numerically  weak  condition  they  would  have  been 
destroyed  in  conilicts  with  indigenous  inhabitants,  he  took 
them  down  to  Egypt  and  kept  them  there  in  bondage  four 
hundred  years  that  they  might  be  fitted,  both  by  discipline 
and  numerical  increase,  for  the  work  that  would  devolve  upon 
them.  Slavery  would  seem  to  be  a,  strange  school  in  which  to 
preserve  a  people;  but  God  has  a  way  of  salting  as  well  as 
pi 1 1  i I'y  ing  by  fire.  —  E.  W.  Blyden. 


196  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

Wliat  was  the  character  of  Slavery  ? 

Slavery  violated  the  principles  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  as  well  as  the  Scriptural  injunction 
to  "love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself."  There  were  kind- 
hearted  masters,  who  treated  their  slaves  well,  but 
the  system  that  regarded  human  beings  as  chattels 
dwarfed  the  slave  and  degraded  the  master.  The 
abolition  of  slavery  marked  an  era  in  civilization. 

The  United  States  are  far  from  being  irreproachable ;  it  is 
undoubtedly  very  inconsistent  with  their  declarations  on  the 
subject  of  human  rights  to  permit  a  single  slave  to  be  found 
within  their  jurisdiction.  —John  Jay  (1788). 

Slavery  discourages  arts  and  manufactures.  The  poor 
despise  labor  when  performed  by  slaves.  It  prevents  the 
immigration  of  whites,  who  really  strengthen  and  enrich  a 
country.  It  produces  the  most  pernicious  effect  on  manners. 
Every  master  of  slaves  is  born  a  petty  tyrant.  It  brings  the 
judgment  of  heaven  on  a  country.  As  nations  cannot  be 
rewarded  or  punished  in  the  next  world,  they  must  be  in 
this.  By  an  inevitable  chain  of  causes  and  effects,  Providence 
punishes  national  sins  by  national  calamities. 

—  George  Mason. 

The  worst  evil  this  Nation  has  ever  ended  was  the  sale  of 
human  beings.  —  St.  Glair  McKelway. 

A  man's  right  to  freedom  inheres  in  him  as  a  man,  and 
nothing  which  does  not  touch  his  humanity  can  impair  it. 

—  William  E.  Charming. 


THE   NEGROES.  197 

If  I  could  be  instrumental  in  eradicating  this  deepest 
stain,  slavery,  from  the  character  of  our  country,  I  would  not 
exchange  the  proud  satisfaction  which  I  should  enjoy,  for  the 
honor  of  all  the  triumphs  ever  decreed  to  the  most  successful 
conqueror.  — Henry  Clay. 

Without  abating  one  jot  or  tittle  of  loyal  devotion  to  the 
memory  of  our  Confederate  dead,  we  can  here,  in  the  presence 
of  their  graves,  turn  our  eyes  to  heaven  and  exclaim,  Thank 
<iod!  slavery,  that  material  curse  and  moral  incubus,  has 
been  lifted  from  our  sky!  Yes!  even  though  it  could  spend 
its  fury  only  in  the  lightning  and  thunder  of  war. 

—  William  II.  Fleming. 

Genuine  abolitionism  is  not  a  hobby,  got  up  for  personal  or 
social  aggrandizement;  it  is  not  a  political  ruse;  it  is  not  a 
spasm  of  sympathy,  which  lasts  but  for  a  moment,  leaving 
the  system  weak  and  worn;  it  is  not  a  fever  of  enthusiasm; 
it  is  not  the  fruit  of  fanaticism;  it,  is  not  a  spirit  of  faction. 
It  is  of  heaven,  not  of  men.  It  lives  in  the  heart  as  a  vital 
principle.  It  is  an  essential  part  of  Christianity,  and  aside 
from  it  there  can  be  no  humanity.  Its  scope  is  not  confined 
to  the  slave  population  of  the  I'nited  States,  but  embraces 
mankind,  opposition  cannot  weary  it  out,  force  cannot-  put 
it  down,  tire  cannot  consume  it.  It  is  the  spirit  of  Jesus, 
who  was  sent  to  "bind  up  the  broken-hearted;  to  proclaim 
liberty  to  the  captives,  and  the  opening  of  the  prison  to  them 
thai  are  bound;  to  proclaim  the  acceptable  year  of  the  Lord, 
and  the  day  of  vengeance  of  our  God."  Its  principles  are 
self-evident,  its  measures  rational,  its  purposes  merciful  and 
just.  It  cannot  be  diverted  from  the  path  of  duty,  though 
all  earth  and  hell  oppose;  for  it  is  lifted  far  above  all  earth- 
born  fear.  AY  hen  it  fairly  takes  possession  of  the  soul,  you 


198  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

may  trust  the  soul-carrier  anywhere,  that  he  will  not  be  recre- 
ant to  humanity.  In  short,  it  is  a  life,  not  an  impulse  —  a 
quenchless  flame  of  philosophy,  not  a  transient  spark  of  senti- 
mentalisni.  —  William  Lloyd  Garrison. 


What  was  the  action  of  the  Negroes  during  the  Civil 
War? 

Most  of  them  remained  quietly  at  their  homes, 
working  as  usual  for  their  masters,  to  whom  they 
were  frequently  strongly  attached.  In  their  absence, 
many  slaves  took  charge  of  the  plantations  and 
cared  for  the  wives  and  children  of  their  masters; 
some  accompanied  them  as  body  servants ;  multi- 
tudes flocked  into  the  Union  lines  ;  nearly  two  hun- 
dred thousand  enlisted  as  soldiers  in  the  Union  army, 
and  evinced  great  courage  on  numerous  battlefields. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  War  it  was  given  out  that  no  Negro 
need  apply.  He  was  not  to  be  allowed  to  shoulder  a  musket, 
carry  a  knapsack,  or  wear  a  Union  uniform.  The  glory  of  the 
battlefield  was  to  be  won  wholly  by  white  men.  The  Negro 
might  dig,  but  not  fight.  He  might  be  a  servant,  but  not  a 
soldier.  He  might  carry  a  pickax,  but  never  a  musket.  Time 
and  events  helped  the  Negro  and  the  nation  in  the  solu- 
tion of  this  problem,  and  Fort  Wagner,  Port  Hudson,  Vicks- 
burg,  James  Island,  Olustee,  Petersburg,  Richmond  —  a,  grcnt 
cloud  of  witnesses  rise  before  us  to  solve  the  problem  of  the 
Negro's  soldierly  qualities.  —Frederick  Douglass. 


THE   NEGROES.  199 

The  hardest  fighting  at  Petersburg  was  done  by  the  black 
troops.  The  forts  they  stormed  were  the  worst  of  all.  After 
the  affair  was  over,  General  Smith  went  to  thank  them  and 
tell  them  he  was  proud  of  their  courage  and  dash.  He  says 
they  cannot  be  excelled  as  soldiers,  and  that  hereafter  he  will 
send  them  into  a  difficult  place  as  readily  as  the  best  white 
troops.  —  Edwin  M.  Stanton. 

For  the  Negro  the  war  proved  a  complete  revolution;  in 
the  first  place  cruelly  rejected  and  driven  back  into  bondage, 
then  accepted  only  for  menial  service,  afterwards  partially 
freed  and  received  into  military  service  but  with  grave  doubts 
and  much  prejudice.  The  doubts  and  prejudice  he  overcame 
by  exhibiting  discipline  and  bravery  of  a  high  order,  and  by 
showing  himself  the  white  soldier's  able  and  faithful  friend  in 
every  place  of  need.  When  the  war  ended,  we  had  received 
the  efficient  aid  of  187,000  Negro  soldiers,  who  had  demon- 
strated, beyond  a  possible  doubt,  their  right  to  freedom,  and 
who  had  nobly  helped  to  earn  for  their  brethren  the  justly 
deserved  dignity  of  American  freemen. 

—  George  E.  Sutherland. 

During  the  war,  when  the  black  man  knew  that  his  liberty 
was  the  gage,  when  he  knew  the  battle  was  to  decide  whether 
he  should  or  should  not  be  free,  although  the  country  for  hun- 
dreds of  miles  was  stripped  bare  of  able-bodied  white  men, 
and  though  property  and  the  lives  of  the  women  and  children 
were  at  the  mercy  of  the  slave,  there  never  was  an  instance 
of  arson,  or  assassination,  or  rapine,  or  conspiracy,  and  there 
never  was  an  uprising.  They  stood  still,  conscious  of  their 
power,  and  said,  "  We  will  see  what  (Jod  will  do  for  us."  Such 
a  history  has  no  parallel.  —  Henry  Ward  Beecher. 


200  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

History  has  no  parallel  to  the  faith  kept  by  the  Negro  in 
the  South  during  the  war.  Often  five  hundred  Negroes  to  a 
single  white  man,  and  yet  through  these  dusky  throngs  the 
women  and  children  walked  in  safety,  and  the  unprotected 
homes  rested  in  peace.  Unmarshaled,  the  black  battalions 
moved  patiently  to  the  fields  in  the  morning  to  feed  the  armies 
their  idleness  would  have  starved,  and  at  night  gathered 
anxiously  at  the  big  house  to  "  hear  the  news  from  marster," 
though  conscious  that  his  victory  made  their  chains  enduring. 
Everywhere  humble  and  kindly.  The  bodyguard  of  the  help- 
less. The  rough  companion  of  the  little  ones.  The  observant 
friend.  The  silent  sentry  in  his  lowly  cabin.  The  shrewd 
counsellor.  And  when  the  dead  came  home,  a  mourner  at  the 
open  grave.  A  thousand  torches  would  have  disbanded  every 
Southern  army,  but  not  one  was  lighted.  When  the  master, 
going  to  a  war  in  which  slavery  was  involved,  said  to  his  slave, 
"  I  leave  my  home  and  loved  ones  in  your  charge,"  the  tender- 
ness between  man  and  master  stood  disclosed. 

-Henry  W.  Grady. 

Dark  as  the  clouds  of  even, 
Banked  in  the  western  heaven, 
Waiting  the  breath  that  lifts 
All  the  dead  mass,  and  drifts 
Tempest  and  falling  brand 
Over  a  ruined  land,  — 
So  still  and  orderly, 
Arm  to  arm,  knee  to  knee, 
Waiting  the  great  event, 
Stands  the  black  regiment. 
"  Freedom  !  "  their  battle  ory,  — 
"  Freedom  !  or  leave  to  die  !  " 


THE   NEGROES.  201 


All  !  and  they  meant  the  word, 

Not  as  with  us  'tis  heard, 

Not  a  mere  party  shout  ; 

They  gave  their  spirits  out, 

Trusted  the  end  to  God, 

And  on  the  gory  sod 

Rolled  in  triumphant  blood. 

Glad  to  strike  one  free  blow, 

Whether  for  \vc;il  or  \voe; 

Glad  to  breathe  one  free  bivafh, 

Though  on  the  lips  of  death; 

Praying,  —  alas!  in  vain!  — 

That  they  might  fall  again, 

So  they  nuild  once  more  see 

That  burst  to  liberty  ! 

This  was  what  "  freedom  "  lent 

To  the  black  regiment.        —  George  II. 


What  is  the  present  condition  of  fJie  Negroes  f 

They  number  ;il><uit  ciulit  millions;  public  schools 
have  been  established  for  them  in  all  the  Southern 
states;  philanthropists  have  given  large  sums  to 
establish  Christian  schools  for  them;  multitudes  of 
them  are  becoming  educated  to  a  greater  or  less 
degree.  They  own  considerable  property,  and  some 
have  risen  to  eminence  as  orators  and  leaders.  About 
one  million  live  in  the  Northern  states. 

The  American  Negro  in  these  days  is  not  the  A  frican  NYgro 
in  his  degraded  days.  The  American  Negro  is  quite  another 


202  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

product.  He  is  civilized,  Americanized,  and  largely  Chris- 
tianized. He  is  Anglo-Saxonized  to  a  great  degree.  In  many 
cases  the  so-called  Negro  is  more  Saxon  than  Negro.  He  is 
racially,  nationally,  educationally,  and  religiously  a  new  creat- 
ure. His  actualities  are  marvelous  to  men;  his  potentialities 
only  God  can  rightly  estimate.  Our  Negro  students  are  push 
ing  forward  with  a  vigor  and  success  as  inspiring  as  wonderful. 
All  the  great  colleges  of  the  North  are  open  to  the  Negro ; 
Harvard,  Yale,  Princeton,  Chicago,  Rochester,  and  Hamilton 
offer  a  helping  hand.  There  is  no  treasury  of  wealth  in  library 
or  museum,  or  in  brain  of  professors,  to  which  he  is  not  wel 
come.  He  has  already  won  honors  in  the  most  famous  colleges 
of  America  and  of  the  world.  He  has  proved  his  ability  as 
a  scholar  as  truly  as  his  bravery  as  a  soldier.  He  is  climbing 
up  the  heights  of  fame,  and  soon  will  stand  upon  its  sun-kissed 
summit.  —  Robert  S.  MacArthur. 

Whether  the  Negro  could  be  educated,  was  a  problem ;  and 
I  think  this  has  been  solved  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  candid 
men.  He  would  be  a  dishonest  man,  or  an  amazingly  stupid 
one  who,  in  the  face  of  the  thousands  of  Negro  teachers,  and 
the  hundreds  of  Negro  preachers,  doctors,  lawyers,  authors, 
and  editors,  with  which  the  country  is  now  studded,  who  should 
insist,  as  it  once  was  insisted,  that  education  was  impossible 
to  the  Negro. 

But  the  greatest  problem  was  whether  he  could  with  safety 
be  made  free.  Good  men  knew  that  slavery  was  wrong,  but 
how  to  get  rid  of  it  was  the  great  question.  Neither  the  pulpit, 
nor  the  press,  nor  the  statesman,  could  see  a  solution  of  this 
great  problem,  and  yet  that  problem  has  been  solved.  The 
Negro  is  Tree,  and  the  country  is  cleansed  of  its  greatest  curse, 
crime,  and  scandal.  —  Frederick  Douglass. 


THE    NEGROES.  203 

The  years  past  have  enabled  us  to  give  to  the  civilizing 
agencies  of  the  country  a  just  proportion  of  skilled  mechanics, 
contractors,  farmers,  merchants,  successful  journalists,  physi- 
cians, and  eminent  lawyers.  These,  with  their  accumulations, 
are  the  personal  accessories  of  an  advanced  civilization.  To 
have  succeeded  in  the  years  that  are  past  is  not  enough ;  but 
to  be  more  successful  in  the  future  should  be  our  constant  aim. 

—  Joshua  A.  Brockett. 

The  Negro  has  falsified  the  predictions  of  his  enemies,  and 
dispelled  the  fears  of  his  frit-mis.  They  said  he  would  give 
himself  to  riot  and  plunder;  but  he  earned  the  gratitude  of 
the  South  by  his  fidelity  to  the  family  and  the  plantation, 
while  his  master  was  fighting  against  his  freedom.  They 
said  the  freedmau  would  not  work,  but  he  raised  in  one  year 
nrarly  four  million  hales  ->f  cotton. 

What  grander  enterprise  can  there  be  than  to  take  up  the 
cause  of  a  race  like  this,  —  the  pariahs  of  the  peoples,  —  dis- 
trusting their  old  guides  and  suspecting  their  present  leaders, 
and  prepare  for  them  with  timely  x.eal.  and  by  wise  methods, 
an  army  of  educators  who  shall  give  tone  to  their  character, 
direction  to  their  ideas,  and  by  molding  the  now  plastic  mate- 
rial secure  a  well-laid  foundation,  upon  which  the  workmen  of 
the  future  shall  build  to  the  honor  of  the  race  and  of  the  nation, 
and  to  the  glory  of  God?  — /Samuel  C.  Armstrong. 


What   was    accomplished   by    the   Fourteenth   and 
fifteenth  Amendments  to  the  Constitution  f 

The  Fourteenth  Amendment  conferred  citizenship 
upon  the  Negroes  who  had  been  slaves,  and  the  Fif- 


204  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

t'eenth   prohibited    any   state    from   abridging   their 
right  to  vote  because  of  their  color. 

The  very  best  thing  we  can  do  for  the  black  man,  or  for  the 
white,  is  to  strive  with  all  our  might  to  promote  and  secure  the 
establishment  of  his  inalienable  rights.  — John  Swinton. 

What  we  want  to  do  is  to  get  the  American  idea  into  the 
Negro  —  that  he  is  an  American  citizen;  that  race  counts  for 
nothing,  and  manhood  for  everything.  He  must  be  made  to 
feel  that  he  must  fear  nothing  because  he  is  a  black  man, 
and  that  he  is  to  expect  no  favor  because  he  is  a  black  man. 

—  Henry  L.  Morehouse. 

The  paramount  need,  now,  of  the  colored  people,  in  order 
that  they  may  continue  to  advance  in  intelligence,  moral- 
ity, religious  life,  industry,  and  business  capacity,  is  leaders. 
They  need  leaders  in  every  department  of  practical  life,  in 
the  pulpit  and  in  the  schoolroom ;  leaders  who  shall  not 
be  contented  with  a  smattering  of  an  education,  but  who 
shall  pursue  a  broad  and  liberal  course  of  training.  They 
need  leaders  who  shall  receive  a  training  which .  will  de- 
velop that  strong  a,nd  practical  manhood  and  womanhood 
which  will  command  the  respect  of  white  and  colored  alike ; 
which  will  face  and  overcome  difficulties,  and  which  will 
grasp  aright  the  problems  affecting  the  development  of  their 
race,  and  devise  and  execute  broad  and  effective  plans  for 
the  right  solution  of  these  problems. 

—  Malcolm  Mac  Vicar. 

All  honor  to  the  heroism,  patriotism,  and  philanthropy  of 
the  men,  through  whom  the  providence  of  God  has  forever 
placed  that  great  truth  in  the  fundamental  Constitution  of  our 


THE   NEGROES.  205 

Republic,  so  that  liberty,  equality,  and  fraternity  are  no 
longer  the  unrealized  dreams  of  the  philanthropist ;  no  longer 
the  mere  motto  of  radical  agitators  or  communistic  pretenders, 
but  a  recognized  and  prominent  element  in  the  civil  compact 
of  the  foremost  nation  on  earth.  And  there  may  it  stand 
forever,  a  beacon  light  rebuking  despotism  and  tyranny,  and 
an  inspiration  and  guide  to  the  struggling  but  bewildered  pio- 
neers of  liberty  and  humanity.  — Phiiwas  C.  Louitabury. 

To  those  who  tell  us  that  there  is  a  danger  line  in  Negro 
education,  that  if  they  learn  too  much  they  will  be  too  vain 
or  too  ambitious  to  be  laborers,  we  reply  that  we  have  got 
to  risk  it.  It  is  a  bigger  risk  to  have  your  voters  ignorant. 
We  do  not  propose  to  build  the  structure  of  our  American 
institutions  on  the  rim  of  a  volcano.  An  ignorant  suffrage  is 
a  boiling,  bubbling  volcano.  You  can't  go  backward.  You 
must  go  forward,  with  all  its  risk.  Do  I  say  with  all  its 
risk  ?  Nay,  with  all  its  beneficent  blessing;  nay,  more,  with 
all  its  justice.  —  William  //a//r.s  \Vttnl. 

During  many  years  to  come  the  colored  man  will  have  to 
endure  prejudice  against  his  race  and  color,  but  this  consti- 
tutes no  problem.  The  world  was  never  yet  without  prejudice. 
There  exists  prejudice  in  favor  of  and  against  classes  among 
men  of  the  same  race  and  color.  There  is  prejudice  bet-ween 
religious  sects  and  denominations;  between  families  and  indi- 
viduals. The  time  may  never  come  this  side  the  millennium 
when  men  will  not  ask  "  Can  any  good  thing  come  out  of  Naza- 
reth?" But  what  business  has  government,  state  or  national, 
with  these  prejudices?  Why  should  grave  statesmen  concern 
themselves  with  them  ?  The  business  of  government  is  to  hold 
its  broad  shield  over  all  and  to  see  that  every  American  citizen 


206  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

is  alike  and  equally  protected  in  his  civil  and  personal  rights. 
My  confidence  is  strong  and  high  in  the  nation  as  a  whole. 
I  believe  in  its  justice  and  its  power.  I  believe  that  it  means 
to  keep  its  word  with  its  colored  citizens.  I  believe  in  its 
progress,  in  its  moral  as  well  as  its  material  civilization.  Its 
trend  is  in  the  right  direction.  Its  fundamental  principles 
are  sound.  Its  conception  of  humanity  and  of  human  rights 
is  clear  and  comprehensive.  Its  progress  is  fettered  by  no 
State  religion  tending  to  repress  liberal  thought ;  by  no  order 
of  nobility  tending  to  keep  down  the  toiling  masses  ;  by  no 
divine-right  theory  tending  to  national  stagnation  under  the 
idea  of  stability.  It  stands  out  free  and  clear  with  nothing 
to  obstruct  its  view  of  the  lessons  of  reason  and  experience. 

—  Frederick  Douglass. 

What  freeman  knoweth  freedom  ?    Never  he 
Whose  father's  fathers  through  long  lives  have  reigned 
O'er  kingdoms  that  mere  heritage  attained  5 
Though  from  his  youth  to  age  he  roam  as  free 
As  winds,  he  dreams  not  freedom's  ecstasy. 
But  he  whose  birth  was  in  a  nation  chained 
For  centuries,  where  every  breath  was  drained 
From  breasts  of  slaves  which  knew  not  there  could  be 
Such  thing  as  freedom,  —  he  beholds  the  light 
Burst,  dazzling ;  though  the  glory  blind  his  sight 
He  knows  the  joy.     Fools  laugh  because  he  reels 
And  wields  confusedly  his  infant  will ; 
The  wise  man  watcheth  with  a  heart  that  feels 
And  says :  "  Cure  for  freedom's  harms,  is  freedom  still." 

—  Helen  Hunt  Jackson. 


CIVIL    LIBERTY. 


-  -   -,- 


THE   STATUE   OF    LIBERTY. 

Place  me  where  Winter  breathes  his  keenest  air, 

And  I  will  sing,  if  liberty  be  there  ; 

And  I  will  sing  at  liberty's  dear  feet, 

In  A/tic's  torrid  clime,  or  India' s  fiercest  heat. 

—  WILLIAM  COWPER. 


CIVIL  LIBERTY. 


Define  Civil  Liberty. 

Civil  Liberty  is  the  privilege  of  living  according ^* 
to  one's  inclinations,  and  enjoying  the  free  use  of 
one's  own  property  under  the  sanctions  of  the  law 
and  the  protection  of  ilie  state  ;  it  includes  freedom 
of  thought,  freedom  of  speech,  freedom  of  the  press, 
freedom  of  the  ballot,  freedom  of  locomotion,  and 
freedom  of  association.  A  free  people  enact  their 
own  laws  and  elect  their  own  rulers. 

Freedom  —  absence  of  physical  and  moral  coercion. 

—  Henry  Sidgwick. 

The  ri-ht  of  personal  security  consists  in  a  person's  legal 
and  uninterrupted  enjoyment  of  his  life,  his  limbs,  his  body, 
his  In-all li,  and  his  reputation.  —  William  Blackstone. 

Freedom  is  the  power,  by  which  man  can  do  what  does  not 
intiM-l'iTc  with  tin-  rights  of  another;  its  basis  is  nature;  its 
standard  is  justice;  its  protection  is  law;  its  moral  boundary 
is  the  maxim:  Do  n»f  unin  other*  n-1mt  I/OH  do  not  wish  they 
do  unfit  //»H.  —French  Constitution  (1793). 

I'AT.    C1T.  —  14  209 


210  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

What  is  liberty  without  wisdom  and  without  virtue?  It 
is  the  greatest  of  all  possible  evils ;  for  it  is  folly,  vice,  and 
madness,  without  tuition  or  restraint.  — Edmund  Burke. 

The  liberty  which  our  fathers  planted,  and  for  which  they 
sturdily  contended,  and  under  which  they  grandly  conquered,  is 
a  rational  and  temperate,  but  brave  and  unyielding  freedom,  — 
the  august  mother  of  institutions,  the  hardy  nurse  of  enter- 
prise, the  sworn  ally  of  justice  and  order :  a  liberty  that  lifts 
her  awful  and  rebuking  face  equally  upon  the  cowards  who 
would  sell,  and  the  braggarts  who  would  pervert,  her  precious 
gifts  of  rights  and  obligations.  —  Edwin  P.  Whipple. 

License  and  liberty  have  their  common  origin  in  the  human 
will,  but,  at  the  same  time,  liberty  proceeds  from  reason,  and 
license  from  passion.  As  a  consequence,  liberty  is  naturally 
well  regulated,  circumspect,  and  moderate,  without  requiring 
the  intervention  of  any  restrictive  law.  Liberty,  legally  un- 
limited, keeps  within  the  bounds  which  the  general  welfare, 
morality,  and  self-respect  assign  to  it,  of  its  own  accord,  and 
almost  without  effort.  It  emanates  from  a  sentiment  of  our 
own  dignity,  and  is  its  most  powerful  safeguard.  License 
knows  neither  rule  nor  moderation;  it  recognizes  no  law; 
neither  morality  nor  human  respect  restrains  it.  It  is  inspired 
by  caprice,  seeks  only  momentary  gratification,  and  makes  no 
sacrifice  in  the  interests  of  the  future.  —  Maurice  Block. 

This  is  the  appropriate  region  of  human  liberty.  It  com- 
prises, first,  the  inward  domain  of  consciousness ;  demanding 
liberty  of  conscience,  in  the  most  comprehensive  sense ;  liberty 
of  thought  and  feeling;  absolute  freedom  of  opinion  and 
sentiment  on  all  subjects,  practical  or  speculative,  scientific, 
moral,  or  theological.  Secondly,  the  principle  requires  liberty 


CIVIL   LIBERTY.  211 

of  tastes  and  pursuits ;  of  framing  the  plan  of  our  life  to  suit 
our  o\vrii  character;  of  doing  as  we  like,  subject  to  such  con- 
sequences as  may  follow,  without  impediment  from  our  fellow- 
creatures,  so  long  as  what  \ve  do  does  not  harm  them,  even 
though  they  should  think  our  conduct  foolish,  perverse,  or 
wrmi^v  Thirdly,  from  this  liberty  of  each  individual,  follows 
the  liberty,  within  the  same  limits,  of  combination  among 
individuals;  freedom  to  unite,  for  any  purpose  not  involving 
harm  to  others:  the  persons  combining  being  supposed  to  be 
of  full  age,  and  not  forced  or  deceived. 

—  John  Stuart  Mill 


What  is  the  basis  of  Human  Freedom? 

The  Divine:  Will.  God,  who  is  a  free  Being,  has 
conferred  upon  man  the  highest  dignity  by  creating 
him  in  His  own  likeness.  By  his  very  constitution, 
he  is  entitled  to  liberty;  without  it,  he  can  never 
attain  to  his  highest  development.  The  more  free 
lni  is,  the  more  he  resembles  his  Creator.  Manhood 
is  dwarfed  by  any  sort  of f  bondage. 

The  God  who  gave  us  life,  gave  us  liberty  at  the  same  time. 

—  Thomas  Jefferson. 

At  the  root  of  gentlemanhood,  in  a  soil  of  deep,  moral 
inwardness,  lies  a  high  self-respect,  —  not  the  pert,  spoiled 
child  of  individual  self-estimation,  —  but  a  growth  from  the 
consciousness  of  illimitable  claims  as  an  independent,  infinite 
soul.  —  George  II. 


212  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

Liberty,  in  its  absolute  sense,  means  the  faculty  of  willing 
and  the  power  of  doing  what  has  been  willed,  without  influ- 
ence from  any  other  source,  or  from  without.  It  means  self- 
determination  ;  unrestrainedness  of  action.  In  this  absolute 
meaning  there  is  but  one  free  Being,  because  there  is  but  one 
Being  whose  will  is  absolutely  independent  of  any  influence 
but  that  which  He  wills  himself,  and  whose  power  is  adequate 
to  His  absolute  will  —  who  is  almighty.  —  Francis  Lieber. 

When  we  examine  into  the  essence  of  freedom,  and  seek  to 
understand  that  sacred  blessing  which  man  prizes  higher  than 
all  besides,  we  must  pass  beyond  the  bounds  of  law  and  of  the 
state  and  seek  its  roots  in  nature  and  in  God. 

—  Johaitn  K.  BluntsclilL 

Love  of  liberty  is  a  virtue,  an  acquisition,  not  an  instinct. 
We  all  enjoy  freedom  from  restraints  and  dictations.  But 
liberty  is  self-government,  —  that  is,  war  against  invasions  by 
the  lower  propensities.  It  is  picket  duty  against  the  animal 
in  us.  This  virtue,  like  the  rest,  matures  slowly.  You  cannot 
put  this  religious  liberty  upon  a  man  like  a  cloak ;  you  cannot 
fill  him  with  it  as  you  can  fill  a  sack  with  wheat.  It  must 
grow  up  with  the  increase  of  his  measurements.  It  must  wind 
its  rootlets  into  the  invisible  interstices  between  the  fibers, 
between  the  cell-tissues  of  his  intellect,  of  his  spiritual  nature. 

—  Charles  H.  Fowler. 

The  authority  of  the  state  cannot  control  the  inner  life,  it 
can  judge  none  for  opinion's  sake,  it  can  by  no  enactment 
direct  the  course  of  the  spirit;  it  is  not  to  invade  the  con- 
science and  thought,  it  is  not  to  regulate  the  dispositions  of 
men;  it  cannot  determine  their  love  or  hate  or  thoughts. 
These  are  withdrawn  from  the  state,  and  over  them  the  state 


CIVIL   LIBERTY.  213 

neither  has  the  power  nor  is  it  called  npon  to  rule.  As  the 
freedom  of  the  inner  spirit  is  beyond  external  power,  the 
rights  of  the  spirit  cannot  therefore  embody  themselves  in 
the  formal  sphere  of  positive  rights  but  the  nation  is  to  guard 
them  from  all  attempt  at  invasion  from  the  external  sphere, 
and  to  forbid  every  attempt  to  bring  force  to  bear  upon  them, 
and  is  to  secure  and  maintain  the  freedom  of  conscience  and  of 
thought,  the  freedom  of  worship  and  of  science. 

—  Elislia  Mulford. 

Oh  liberty  !  the  prisoner's  pleasing  dream, 
The  poet's  muse,  his  passion,  and  his  theme; 
Genius  is  thine,  and  thou  art  fancy's  nurse. 
Lost  without  thee  the  ennobling  powers  of  verse ; 
Heroic  snug  from  thy  sweet  touch  acquires 
Its  clearest  tone,  the  rapture  it  inspires. 

—  William,  Cowper. 


Define  Freedom  of  Tlwucjlit. 

» 

Freedom  of  thought  means  the  right  of  every 
rational  being  to  form  his  own  opinions.  He  lias 
the  right  to  use  his  own  faculties  in  observing,  re- 
flecting, weighing  evidence,  comparing  and  judging. 
He  may  ree'xamine  the  basis  or  argument  for  any 
opinion,  may  accept  or  reject  it,  and  may  form  inde- 
pendent opinions  on  new  subjects  in  any  realm  of 
thought  —  social,  philosophical,  political,  or  religious. 

As  a  man  thinl«>tli  in  his  heart,  so  is  he. 

—  Proverbs  of  Solomon. 


214  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

We  live  in  deeds,  not  years ;  in  thoughts,  not  breaths ; 
In  feelings,  not  in  figures  on  a  dial. 
We  should  count  time  by  heart-throbs.     He  most  lives 
Who  thinks  most,  feels  the  noblest,  acts  the  best. 

—  Philip  James  Bailey. 

To  the  mass  of  people  nothing  is  so  costly  as  thought. 
The  fact  that,  taking  the  world  over,  ninety-nine  people  out  of 
a  hundred  ac*cept  the  creed  to  which  they  were  born,  exempli- 
fies their  mental  attitude  towards  things  at  large.  Nearly  all 
of  them  pursue  mechanically  the  routine  to  which  they  have 
been  accustomed,  and  are  not  only  blind  to  its  defects,  but 
will  not  recognize  them  as  defects  when  they  are  pointed  out. 

—  Herbert  Spencer. 

The  way  to  freedom  is  without  intricacies,-  it  is  not  an 
exotic.  Real  and  substantial  freedom  proceeds  from  within 
and  not  from  without,  and  depends  not  upon  the  terror  of  the 
sword,  but  on  sobriety  of  conduct  and  integrity  of  life.  Such 
liberty  is  the  fruit  of  justice,  of  temperance  and  unadulterated 
virtue,  and  cannot  .be  taken  away  by  treachery  or  intimida- 
tion. Unless  the  horizon  of  the  mind  is  cleared  of  the  mists 
of  superstition  which  arise  frqjn  ignorance,  you  will  always 
have  those  who  wiH  bend  your  necks  to  the  yoke  as  if  you 
were. brutes;  who  will  put  you  up  to  the  highest  bidder  as  if 
you  were  mere  booty  made  in  Avar,  and  will  find  an  exuber- 
ant source  of  wealth  in  your  ignorance  and  superstition.  You, 
therefore,  who  wish  to  be  free,  cease  to  be  fools  and  learn  to 
be  wise.  — John  Milton. 

A  thinking  man  is  the  worst  enemy  the  Prince  of  Darkness 
can  have :  every  time  such  a  one  announces  himself,  I  doubt 


CIVIL  LIBERTY.  215 

not  there  runs  a  shudder  through  the  nether  empire ;  and  new 
emissaries  are  trained,  with  new  tactics  to,  if  possible,  entrap 
him  and  hoodwink  and  handcuff  him.  —  Thomas  Carlyle. 

The  right  and  duty  of  free  inquiry.  We  may  call  it  by 
various  names,  —  the  right  of  private  judgment,  freedom  of 
thought  and  speech,  the  claims  of  personal  opinion.  By  what- 
ever designation  it  is  known,  it  is  assumed  to  be  an  inalienable 
possession,  involved  in  the  nature  of  man  as  man,  becoming 
more  and  more  pronounced  as  the  questions  and  interest  with 
which  it  deals  deepen  in  their  significance.  In  theology, 
philosophy,  literature,  and  morals;  in  matters  of  social  and 
economic  import.;  in  the  multiplied  topics  that  emerge  from 
the  daily  evolution  of  individual  and  public  life,  intelligent 
men  may  think,  and  ought  to  think,  for  themselves  just  to 
the  degree  in  which  they  are  intelligent,  and  recognize  their 
status  as  rational  and  accountable  beings.  The  Biblical  state- 
in  »M it.  that  "every  man  must  give  account  of  himself  to  God," 
is  not  con tincd  in  its  application  to  the  day  of  final  judgment, 
nor,  indeed,  to  the  special  sphere  of  moral  conduct  in  this 
life,  but  covers  a  scope  as  wide  as  the  area  of  human  relation- 
ships.  Personal  accountability  applies  to  our  intellectual  as 
as  well  as  our  ethical  judgments.  -  TJieodore  W.  Hunt. 

Freedom  is  recreated  year  by  year, 

In  hearts  wide  open  on  the  Godward  side,    ' 

In  souls  calm-cadenced  as  the  whirling  sphere, 

In  minds  that  sway  the  future  like  a  tide. 

No  broadest  creeds  can  hold  her,  and  no  codes; 

She  chooses  men  for  her  august  abodes, 

Building  them  fair  and  fronting  to  the  dawn. 

—  James  Russell  Lowell. 


216  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

What  are  the  limitations  to  Freedom  of  Thought  ? 

The  constitution  of  Nature.  Truth  is  fixed  and 
,  unchangeable ;  thinking  is  imperfect,  and  opinions 
are  variable.  Thinking,  to  be  sound,  must  corre- 
spond with  facts.  No  amount  of  thinking  can  alter 
the  facts,  that  two  and  two  make  four ;  that  a 
straight  line  is  the  shortest  distance  between  two 
points ;  that  murder  is  crime.  These  are  well-estab- 
lished limits  of  thought  that  must  be  observed,  in 
order  to  insure  sound  judgments.  To  reach  wise 
conclusions  on  any  subject,  we  must  know  .the  essen- 
tial facts,  weigh  the  arguments,  be  unbiased  and 
candid,  and  must  reason  correctly. 

Search  for  the  truth  is  the  noblest  occupation  of  man ;  its 
publication  a  duty.  —  Madame  de  Stael. 

Thought  is  not  free  in  the  sense  that  every  one  may  think 
just  what  he  pleases  and  how  he  pleases  upon  every  con- 
ceivable subject.  Thought  is  bound  by  the  law  of  evidence. 
Force  alone  cannot  affect  thought,  but  law  in  its  necessary 
rule  can,  and  in  submitting  to  law,  thought  merely  follows 
the  essential  conditions  of  its  nature.  —J.  de  Concilfo. 

Independent  thinking  is  always  painful,  and  seldom  brought 
into  active  operation.  It  is  so  much  more  easy  to  read  than  to 
think,  and  to  refer  to  the  opinions  of  other  men  than  to  form 
and  sustain  any  opinions  of  our  own,  that  the  love  of  mental 
ease  may  be  justly  considered  as  one  chief  occasion  of  the 
errors  which  prevail  in  the  world.  —  Benjamin  Brook. 


CIVIL  LIBERTY.  217 

High  walls  and  huge  the  body  may  confine, 
And  iron  gates  obstruct  the  prisoner  s  gaze, 
And  massive  bolts  may  battle  his  design, 
And  vigilant  keepers  watch  his  devious  ways ; 
Yet  scorns  the  immortal  mind  this  base  control ! 
No  chains  can  bind  it,  and  no  cell  inclose ; 
Swifter  than  light,  it  flies  from  pole  to  pole, 
And  in  a  flash  from  earth  to  heaven  it  goes ! 
It  leaps  from  mount  to  mount ;  from  vale  to  vale 
It  wanders,  plucking  honeyed  fruits  and  flowers ; 
It  visits  home,  to  hear  the  fireside  tale, 
Or  in  sweet  converse  pass  the  joyous  hours. 
'Tis  up  before  the  sun,  roaming  afar, 
And,  in  its  watches,  wearies  every  star ! 

—  William  Lloyd  Garrison. 

The  power  of  thought  lias  been  given  to  us  for  the  dis- 
cernment of  the  truth,  and  tin-re  are  no  proper  limits  to  its 
exercise  but  those  which  the  truth  itself  has  set.  Freedom 
of  thought  is  an  inalienable  birthright  of  the  human  soul. 
To  abridge  it  througl  i  governmental  interference  by  punishing 
one  for  his  opinion  is  an  intolerable  despotism.  Freedom  of 
speech  and  of  the  press  follow  from  tin-  right  of  free  thought, 
and  Ihese  ;nv  especially  guarded  in  our  different  constitutions, 
the  Constitution  of  the  Union  declaring  that  Congress  shall 
make  no  la\v  abridging  "the  freedom  of  speech  or  of  the 
press."  I>u1  here  we  need  to  note  the  difference  between 

freedom  and  license.     Fr lorn  of  speech  or  of  the  press  does 

not  mean  unlimited  permission  to  speak  or  write  or  print 
whatever  one  pleases.  However  unlimited  may  be  one's  right 
to  his  own  opinions,  he  may  by  uttering  these  invade  the 
rights  of  others,  and  this  he  has  no  right  to  do.  He  may  not 


218  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

become  a  disturber  of  the  public  peace  by  inciting,  through 
speech  or  print,  to  sedition  or  public  violence.  He  may  not 
become  a  corrupter  of  morals  by  printing  pestilential  litera- 
ture. He  may  not  injure  the  good  name  of  another  by  slander 
or  libel.  It  may  not  be  always  easy  to  determine  just  when 
and  where  governmental  interference  should  take  place,  but 
the  principle  is  clear,  that  while  every  person  may  hold  his 
own  opinions  without  molestation  from  the  government,  any 
expression  of  these  which  interferes  with  the  public  freedom 
the  public  through  its  government  has  the  right  to  put  down. 

—  Julius  H.  Seelye. 


Why  should  we  cultivate  our  Powers  of  Thought  ?  . 

Our  opinions  are  of  much  more  value  to  us  when 
they  are  the  result  of  our  own  thinking.  Our  pleas- 
ure is  greatly  enhanced  by  the  power  of  vigorous 
thought ;  our  usefulness  depends  very  much  upon  it, 
as  does  our  health,  happiness,  success  in  business  and 
often,  indeed,  life  itself.  Every  citizen  of  a  republic 
ought  to  be  able  to  think  independently  and  soundly, 
so  as  to  know  what  his  rights  and  his  privileges  are, 
as  well  as  to  fit  him  for  the  discharge  of  his  respon- 
sibilities. 

Thought  takes  man  out  of  servitude  into  freedom. 

—  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson. 

For  after  everything  has  been  said,  it  remains  true  that  the 
world  is  ruled  by  its  thinkers.  —Seth  Low. 


CIVIL  LIBERTY.  219 

Thought  by  thought  is  piled,  till  some  great  truth 
Is  loosened,  and  the  nations  echo  round, 
Shaken  to  their  roots,  as  do  the  mountains  now. 

—  Percy  Byashe  Shelley. 

All  that  there  is  in  what  we  call  To-day  is  in  the  life  of 
thought;  thought  is  the  spirit's  breath.  To  think  is  to  live; 
for  he  who  thinks  not  has  no  sense  of  life.  Wouldst  thou 
make  the  most  of  life,  wouldst  thou  have  the  joy  of  the  pres- 
ent, let  Thought's  invisible  shuttle  weave  full  in  the  loom  of 
Time  the  moment's  passing  threads.  To  think  is  to  live;  but 
with  lio\v  many  are  these  passing  hours  as  so  many  loose  fila- 
ments, never  woven  together  nor  gathered,  but  scattered,  rav- 
eling, so  many  flying  ends,  confused  and  worthless!  Time 
and  life  unfilled  with  thought  are  useless,  unenjoyed,  bringing 
no  pleasure  for  the  present,  storing  no  good  for  future  need. 
To-day  is  the  golden  chance,  wherewith  lo  snatch  Thought's 
blessed  fruition,  —  the  joy  of  the  Present,  the  hope  of  the 
Future.  Thought  makes  the  time  that  is.  and  thought  the 
eternity  to  come.  —  H.  \\  'if  hi  nylon. 

Thai  \vhieh  most  elevates  man  over  the  l>nite  orders  of  crea- 
tion, is  the  capacity  with  which  he"  is  endowed  to  conceive  of 
higher  and  better  forms  of  lite  and  action  than  the  actual  world 
exhibits,  and  the  desire  to  make  his  conception  real  ;  and  it  is 
this  capacity  which  distinguishes  the  highest  and  noblest  of 
individuals  of  the  race  from  their  fellows.  Its  sphere  of  activ- 
ity is  in  the  realm  of  thought,  and  it  penetrates  every  quarter 
of  that  realm.  Dissatisfied  with  each  successive  conception 
which  it  forms,  ever  reaching  forward  and  beyond  its  present 
attainments,  it  aspires  to  gnisp  the  infinite  and  the  absolute. 
In  philosophy  it.  disdains  apparent  causes,  and  mounting  up 
from  one  antecedent  to  another,  essays  to  pass  "the  flaming 


220  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

bounds  of  Place  and  Time,"  and  find  the  one  absolute  cause. 
In  poetry  and  the  fine  arts  it  is  tantalized  with  the  dream 
of  a  beauty  which  all  nature  suggests,  but  nowhere  reveals. 
In  morals  it  finds  every  form  of  excellence  tainted  with  the 
presence  of  evil  and  wrong,  and  struggles  against  the  everlast- 
ing barriers  which  oppose  its  progress  toward  the  absolute 
good.  — James  C.  Carter. 

A  Palace  richly  furnished  is  the  mind, 
In  whose  fair  chambers  we  may  walk  at  will ; 
And  in  its  cloistered  calm,  serene  and  still, 
Continual  delight  and  comfort  find. 
Not  only  fretful  cares  we  leave  behind, 
But  restless  happiness,  and  hopes  that  fill 
The  eager  soul  with  too  much  light,  until 
Eyes  dazzled  see  less  wisely  than  the  blind. 
So  perfect  is  the  joy  we  find  therein, 
No  pleasures  of  the  outer  world  compare 
With  the  divine  repose  so  gladly  sought ; 
When  from  the  wearying  world  we  turn  to  win 
High  mental  solitude,  and  cherish  there 
Silent  companionship  with  lofty  thought. 

—  Alice  M.  W.  Rollins. 


What  is  meant  by  Freedom  of  Speech? 

The  right  of  every  individual  to  give  utterance  to 
his  thoughts,  privately  or  publicly,  without  fear  of 
molestation  or  hindrance.  Every  one  is  under  moral 
obligation  to  speak  the  truth,  and  to  have  a  proper 


CIVIL  LIBERTY.  221 

regard  in  what  he  s;iys  to  the  feelings  and  rights  of 
others.  Blasphemy,  slander,  treason,  and  language 
inciting  to  riot  and  crime,  may  properly  be  pro- 
hibited by  law. 

The  best  that  we  can  do  for  one  another  is  to  exchange  our 
thoughts  freely.  —  James  A.  Fronde. 

We  must  be  free  or  die,  who  speak  the  tongue 
That  Shakespeare  spake;  the  faith  and  morals  hold 

Which    Miltoil  held.  -    \\'illi<ln<     \Vnrtlxirnrtti. 

It  is  of  great  importance  to  set  a  resolution,  not  to  be 
shaken,  never  to  tell  an  untruth.  There  is  no  vice  so  mean, 
so  pitiful,  so  eontemptiltle  ;  and  he  who  permits  himself  to 
tell  a  li  .....  ice.  tinds  it  mueh  easier  to  do  it  a  second  and  third 
time,  till  at  length  it  becomes  habitual;  he  tells  lies  without 
attending  to  it,  and  truths  without  the  world's  believing  him. 
This  falsehood  of  the  tongue  leads  to  that  of  the  heart,  and  in 
time  depraves  all  its  good  dispositions. 


It  may  be  jMissible  that  men  shall  speak  so  recklessly, 
whether  by  word  or  by  printed  page,  that  a  limit  must  be  set. 
upon  their  expressions.  To  meet  such  cases,  we  already  have 
laws  in  harmony  with  t  he  (  1onstitution,  against  slander,  against. 
vile  and  indecent  language  spoken  or  written,  against  those 
utterances  in  time  of  war  that  shall  incite  to  treason  or  give 
aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy.  But  Congress  has  not,  and 
never  will  violate  this  fundamental  principle  of  our  govern- 
ment, that  the  place  and  manner  of  worship,  of  speech,  and 
of  writing,  shall  be  only  limited  by  the  laws  of  morality  and 
by  the  safety  of  the  state.  -  I  KIHH-  ,/.  L<ii,xiit<J. 


222  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

What  is  slander  ? 

'Tis  an  assassin  at  the  midnight  hour  j 
Urged  on  by  envy,  that,  with  footstep  soft, 
Steals  on  the  slumber  of  sweet  innocence, 
And,  with  the  dark  drawn  dagger  of  the  mind, 
Drinks  deep  the  crimson  current  of  the  heart. 
It  is  a  worm  that  crawls  on  beauty's  cheek, 
Like  the  vile  viper  in  a  vale  of  flowers, 
And  riots  in  ambrosial  blossoms  there. 
It  is  a  coward  in  a  coat  of  mail, 
That  wages  war  against  the  brave  and  wise, 
And  like  the  long,  lean  lizard  that  will  mar 
The  lion's  sleep,  it  wounds  the  noblest  breast. 

—  Milford  Bard. 

They  are  slaves  who  fear  to  speak 
For  the  fallen  and  the  weak ; 
They  are  slaves  who  will  not  choose 
Hatred,  scorning,  and  abuse, 
Rather  than  in  silence  shrink 
From  the  truth  they  needs  must  think ; 
They  are  slaves  who  dare  not  be 
In  the  right  with  two  or  three. 

—  James  Russell  Lowell. 


Why  should  we  be  free  to  speak  ? 

For  the  same  reason  that  entitles  us  to  think  for 
ourselves;  it  is  our  birthright,  incident  to  our  com- 
pleteness of  living.  Man  is  not  a  free  being  when 
he  is  denied  the  right  of  free  speech. 


CIVIL   LIBERTY.  223 

Error  of  opinion  may  be  tolerated  where  reason  is  left  free 
to  combat  it.  —  Thomas  Jefferson. 

The  greatest  promise  of  safety,  so  far  as  the  state  is  con- 
cerned, is  doubtless  in  a  recognition  of  the  sacred  and  inalien- 
able right  of  every  community  to  a  free  and  unrestricted  dis- 
cussion of  all  questions  of  moral  right  and  of  moral  obliga- 
tion. —  Ezekiel  G.  Robinson. 

Free  speech  is  to  a  great  people  what  winds  are  to  oceans 
and  malarial  regions,  which  waft  away  the  elements  of  disease 
and  bring  new  elements  of  health;  and  where  free  speech  is 
stopped,  miasma  is  bred,  and  death  comes  fast. 

—  Henry  Wa/d  Beecher. 

It  is  not  to  the  constitutions  of  my  nation  and  state  that  I 
am  indebted  for  the  right  of  free  discussion  —  though  I  am 
thankful  for  the  glorious  defense  with  which  those  instru- 
ments surround  the  right.  No;  God  himself  gave  me  this 
right ;  and  a  sufficient  proof  that  He  did  so  is  to  be  found  in 

the  fact  that  He  requires  rue  to  exercise  it. 

—  Gerrit  Smith. 

The  peculiar  evil  of  silencing  the  expression  of  an  opinion 
is,  that  it  is  robbing  the  human  race  —  posterity  as  well  as  the 
existing  generation;  those  who  dissent  from  the  opinion,  still 
more  than  those  who  hold  it.  If  the  opinion  is  right,  they 
are  deprived  of  the  opportunity  of  exchanging  error  for  truth : 
if  wrong,  they  lose,  what  is  almost  as  great  a  benefit,  the 
clearer  perception  and  livelier  impression  of  truth,  produced 
by  its  collision  with  error.  — John  /Stuart  Mitt. 

Publicity  of  speaking  has  its  dangers,  and  occasionally 
exposes  to  grave  inconveniences,  as  all  guarantees  do,  and 


224  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

necessarily  in  a  greater  degree  as  they  are  of  a  more  elemen- 
tary character.  It  is  the  price  at  which  we  enjoy  all  excel- 
lence in  this  world.  Liberty  is  coupled  with  the  public  word, 
and  however  frequently  the  public  word  may  be  abused,  it  is 
nevertheless  true  that  out  of  it  arises  oratory,  the  aesthetics 
of  liberty.  What  would  Greece  and  Home  be  to  us  without 
their  Demosthenes  and  Cicero  ?  And  what  would  their  other 
writers  have  been,  had  not  their  languages  been  coined  out 
by  the  orator  ?  What  would  England  be  without  her  host  of 
manly  and  masterly  speakers  ?  Who  of  us  would  wish  to  see 
the  treasures  of  our  own  civilization  robbed  of  the  words  con- 
tributed by  our  speakers,  from  Patrick  Henry  to  Webster  ? 
The  speeches  of  great  orators  are  a  fund  of  wealth  for  a  free 
people,  from  which  the  schoolboy  begins  to  draw  when  he 
declaims  from  his  reader,  and  which  enriches,  elevates,  and 
nourishes  the  souls  of  the  old.  —  Francis  Lieber. 


Define  Freedom  of  the  Press. 

I/  This  term  is  used  to  express  the  right  to  print  and 
circulate  tracts,  pamphlets,  books,  newspapers,  and 
other  productions. 

Here  shall  the  Press  the  People's  right  maintain 
Unawed  by  influence  and  unbribed  by  gain ; 

Here  patriot  Truth  her  glorious  precepts  draw, 
Pledged  to  lieligion,  Liberty,  and  Law. 

—  Joseph  Story. 

Can  you  conceive  freedom  without  the  liberty  of  the  press  ? 

—  Louis  A.  Thiers. 


CIVIL   LIBERTY.  225 

In  free  countries  political  matters  relate  to  the  people,  and 
therefore  ought  to  be  public.  Publicity  informs  of  public 
matters ;  it  teaches  and  educates,  and  it  binds  together.  There 
is  no  patriotism  without  publicity,  and  though  publicity  cannot 
always  prevent  mischief,  it  is  at  all  events  an  alarm  bell,  which 
calls  the  public  to  the  spot  of  danger.  —Francis  Lieber. 

The  office  of  a  newspaper  is  first  to  give  the  history  of  its 
time,  and  afterward  to  deduce  such  theories  or  truths  from  it 
as  shall  be  of  universal  application.  —  Horace  Greeley. 

There  are,  of  course,  papers  and  papers.  There  are  papers 
of  business,  papers  of  advertisement,  papers  of  sport,  papers 
of  opinion,  and  papers  of  power.  It  takes  all  sorts  to  make 
up  a  world,  and  there  is  as  much  diversity  in  journalists  as  in 
members  of  Parliament.  But  all  of  them  go  together  to  make 
the  Fourth  Estate,  which  is  becoming  more  powerful  than  all 
the  other  estates  of  the  realm.  Great  is  the  power  of  the 
printed  word.  — William  T.  Stead. 

I  invite  your  attention  to  that  immortal  essay  of  John  Mil- 
ton's, too  little  known  in  our  day,  the  Speech  for  the  Liberty 
of  Unlicensed  Printing.  It  is  a  treasure  of  the  highest  wis- 
dom, of  the  noblest  sentiments,  and  of  the  greatest  instruc- 
tion ;  study  that,  and  you  will  get  at  once  the  philosophy  of 
English  liberty  and  the  highest  doctrine  that  has  ever  been 
promulgated,  to  my  knowledge,  with  regard  to  the  freedom  of 
the  press.  —  CJiarles  A.  Dana. 

Unless  wariness  be  used,  as  good  almost  kill  a  man  as  kill  a 
good  book.  Who  kills  a  man,  kills  a  reasonable  creature,  God's 
image;  but  he  who  destroys  a  good  book,  kills  reason  itself, 
kills  the  image  of  God,  as  it  were  in  the  eye.  Many  a  man 
lives  a  burden  to  the  earth;  but  a  good  book  is  the  precious 

PAT.   CIT.  —  15 


226  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

lifeblood  of  a  master  spirit,  imbalmed  and  treasured  up  on 
purpose  to  a  life  beyond  life.  It  is  true  no  age  can  restore 
a  life,  whereof  perhaps  there  is  no  great  loss ;  and  revolutions 
of  ages  do  not  oft  recover  the  loss  of  a  rejected  truth,  for  the 
want  of  which  whole  nations  fare  the  worse.  We  should  be 
wary,  therefore,  what  persecution  we  raise  against  the  living 
labors  of  public  men,  how  we  spill  that  seasoned  life  of  man, 
preserved  and  stored  up  in  books ;  since  we  see  a  kind  of  homi- 
cide may  be  thus  committed,  sometimes  a  martyrdom,  and  if  it 
extend  to  the  whole  impression,  a  kind  of  massacre,  whereof 
the  execution  ends  not  in  the  slaying  of  an  elemental  life,  but 
strikes  at  the  ethereal  and  fifth  essence,  the  breath  of  reason 
itself ;  slays  an  immortality  rather  than  a  life. 

—  John  Milton. 

The  sun  shone  in  at  the  window, 

On  the  printer's  case  and  type, 
And  the  heaps  of  mystic  letters 

Were  bathed  in  its  golden  light ; 
And  I  thought  of  the  truths  there  hidden, 

Of  the  mighty  power  there  laid, 
In  those  piles  of  dusky  metal, 

When  in  marshaled  ranks  arrayed. 

A  child  in  his  feeble  wisdom, 

Might  place  them  with  tiny  hand, 
But  a  king  with  his  steel-armed  legions 

In  vain  would  their  force  withstand ; 
For  they  are  the  silent  warriors, 

Whose  tents  are  folded  away, 
Whose  footprints  go  down  through  the  ages, 

Whose  mandates  the  world  shall  obey. 

—  Anonymous. 


CIVIL   LIBERTY.  227 

On  what  does  the  Freedom  of  the  Press  rest  ? 

It  is  closely  related  to  the  right  of  private  judg- 
ment; freedom  of  thought  is  incomplete  without 
liberty  of  expression.  The  right  to  think  carries 
with  it  the  right  to  publish  one's  thought ;  it  is  a 
natural  impulse  to  tell  what  we  know.  We  acquire 
a  firmer  grasp  of  thought  when  we  have  prepared  it 
for  the  press.  If  we  have  a  valuable  thought,  it  is 
both  a  privilege  and  a  duty  to  communicate  it  to 
others.  A  free  press  is  essential  to  liberty ;  it  helps 
to  create  public  opinion. 

The  press  is  the  best  instrument  for  enlightening  the  mind 
of  man  and  improving  him  as  a  rational,  moral,  and  social 
being.  This  formidable  censor  of  the  public  functionaries,  by 
arraigning  them  at  the  tribunal  of  public  opinion,  produces 
reform  peaceably,  which  must  otherwise  be  done  by  revolution. 

-  Thomas  Jefferson. 

The  more  we  consider  the  independence  of  the  press  in  its 
principal  consequences,  the  more  are  we  convinced  that  it  is 
the  chief,  and,  so  to  speak,  the  constitutive  element  of  freedom 
in  the  modern  world.  A  nation  which  is  determined  to  remain 
free,  is  therefore  right  in  demanding  the  unrestrained  exercise 
of  its  independence.  —  Alexis  C.  H.  C.  de  Tocqueville. 

A  free  and  unlicensed  press,  in  the  just  and  legal  sense  of 
the  expression,  has  led  to  all  the  blessings  both  of  religion  and 
government,  which  Great  Britain,  or  any  part  of  the  world,  at 
this  moment  enjoys,  and  is  calculated  still  further  to  advance 
mankind  to  higher  degrees  of  civilization  and  happiness.  But 


228  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

this  freedom,  like  every  other,  must  be  limited  to  be  enjoyed 
and,  like  every  human  advantage,  may  be  defeated  by  its 
abuse.  —  Thomas  Erskine. 

As  the  advocate  of  society,  of  peace,  of  domestic  liberty,  I 
conjure  you  to  guard  the  liberty  of  the  press,  that  great  senti- 
nel  of  the  state,  that  grand  detector  of  public  imposture. 

—  John  Philpot  Curran. 

We  find  the  printed  page  in  its  myriad  forms  the  most 
potent  agency  for  the  realization  of  the  high  spiritual  being  of 
man  in  the  image  of  God,  and  the  most  perfect  means  for  the 
emancipation  of  man  from  slavery  to  his  own  ignorance  and 
passions,  and  from  his  dependence  on  others  for  guidance 
and  direction.  He  becomes  less  dependent  on  a  fellow-man 
for  master  —  one  brain  to  govern  two  pairs  of  hands  —  and 
more  independent  and  self-directive,  more  rational,  and  more 
participative  in  the  wisdom  and  goodness  of  the  human  race. 

-  William  T.  Harris. 

All  free  governments,  whatever  their  name,  are  in  reality 
governments  by  public  opinion,  and  it  is  on  the  quality  of 
this  public  opinion  that  their  prosperity  depends. 

—  James  Russell  Lowell. 

In  these  latter  days,  there  has  risen  a  power  mightier  than 
an  army  of  orators  —  a  power  that  has  dwarfed  their  genius, 
destroyed  their  influence,  and  lowered  them  to  the  level  of 
ordinary  mortals  —  a  power  that  can  banish  kings,  destroy 
dynasties,  revolutionize  governments,  embroil  nations  in  trium- 
phant or  disastrous  wars,  and,  for  good  or  ill,  is  changing  the 
aspect  of  the  civilized  world.  The  glory  of  the  orator  sank 
when  the  printing  press  arose.  The  orator,  at  best,  can  speak 


CIVIL    LIBERTY.  229 

to  thousands ;  the  press  to  hundreds  of  thousands.  The  orator 
speaks  rarely ;  the  press,  every  day.  The  orator  may,  at  the 
choicest  moment,  fail,  from  ill  health  or  one  of  many  causes ; 
the  press,  free  from  all  the  ills  that  flesh  is  heir  to,  moves  on  its 
mission  with  the  facility,  power,  and  precision  of  machinery. 
The  orator  may  move  an  audience ;  the  press  can  arouse  a  nation. 
The  speech  dies  with  the  sounds  that  give  it  birth ;  the  press 
lives  forever  on  the  imperishable  page.  The  orator  now  ad- 
dresses himself  less  to  the  audience  of  the  evening  than  to  the 
world  of  readers  of  the  next  morning.  —  Daniel  Dougherty. 


May  not  the  Freedom  of  the  Press  be  abused  f 

Undoubtedly.     Men  sometimes  publish  statements^ 
that  are  false,  misleading,  slanderous,  degrading,  or 
dangerous.     There  is  a  great  deal  of  bad  literature, 
but  the  good  predominates. 

The  law  recognizes  no  peculiar  rights,  privileges,  or  claims 
to  indulgence  on  the  part  of  the  conductors  of  the  public 
press.  They  have  no  rights  but  such  as  are  common  to  all. 
They  have  the  right  to  publish  the  truth,  but  no  right  to  pub- 
lish falsehood  to  the  injury  of  others,  with  impunity. 

—  Reuben  H.  Walworth. 

The  newspaper  has  become,  as  it  were,  a  circulating  national 
library  containing  all  kinds  of  stuff,  good,  bad,  and  indifferent, 
always  appetizing,  though  not  always  wholesome  and  refresh- 
ing. In  the  old  Chartist  days  newspapers  were  few,  but  they 
were  filled  with  a  serious  purpose,  serious  men  read  them, 
passed  them  from  hand  to  hand,  and  seriously  discussed  their 


230  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

contents.  Now,  though  many  journals  are  high-toned,  not  a 
few  are  edited  on  the  principle  that  they  must  please  to  live, 
and  the  pleasure  they  conceive  is  of  no  noble  or  generous 
order.  —  A.  M.  Fairbairn. 

The  freedom  of  the  press  is  an  excellent  thing  and  is 
wholly  consonant  with  the  principles  upon  which  all  free  gov- 
ernments are  based.  But  as  governments  are  now  drawing 
the  line  at  what  is  known  as  anarchy  in  one  form,  they  should 
go  a  step  farther  and  define  anarchy  in  the  press.  The  man 
who  throws  a  bomb  or  wields  a  stiletto  in  the  cause  of  anarchy, 
in  reality  is  not  so  dangerous  to  free  government  as  a  press 
that  regards  nothing  as  too  sacred  or  as  too  polluting  to  be 
spread  before  its  readers.  —  W.  C.  Gray. 

Many  people  are  in  the  habit  of  complaining  bitterly  of  the 
intrusion  of  the  newspaper  reporter  into  every  nook  and  cor- 
ner of  the  state,  and  even  into  the  privacy  of  home;  but  in 
this  extreme  publicity  is  really  to  be  found  a  new  means 
of  social,  industrial,  and  governmental  reform  and  progress. 
As  Emerson,  said,  "Light  is  the  best  policeman."  There  are 
many  exaggerations,  perversions,  and  inaccuracies  in  this  pub- 
licity ;  but  on  the  whole  it  is  a  beneficent  and  a  new  agency 
for  the  promotion  of  the  public  welfare.  Such  publicity  has 
become  possible  partly  through  man's  new  power  over  nature, 
as  seen  in  the  innumerable  applications  of  heat  and  electricity, 
and  partly  through  the  universal  capacity  to  read. 

For  almost  all  social,  industrial,  and  political  evils,  pub- 
licity gives  the  best  hope  of  reasonable  remedy.  Publicity 
exposes  not  only  wickedness,  but  also  folly  and  bad  judg- 
ment. It  makes  crime  and  political  corruption  more  diffi- 
cult and  far  less  attractive.  The  forger,  burglar,  and  cor- 
ruptionist  need  secrecy  for  two  reasons :  first,  that  they  may 


CIVIL   LIBERTY.  231 

succeed  in  their  crimes ;  and  secondly,  that  they  may  enjoy 
the  fruits  of  their  wickedness.  The  most  callous  sinner  finds 
it  hard  to  enjoy  the  product  of  his  sin  if  he  knows  that 
everybody  knows  how  he  came  by  it.  No  good  cause  ever 
suffered  from  publicity ;  no  bad  cause  but  instinctively  avoids 
it.  So  new  is  this  force  in  the  world  that  many  people  do 
not  yet  trust  it,  or  perceive  its  immense  utility.  In  cases 
of  real  industrial  grievances  or  oppressions,  publicity  would 
be  by  far  the  quickest  and  surest  means  of  cure,  —  vastly 
more  effective  for  all  just  ends  than  secret  combinations 
of  either  capitalists  or  laborers.  The  newspapers,  which  are 
the  ordinary  instruments  of  this  publicity,  are  as  yet  very 
imperfect  instruments,  much  of  their  work  being  done  so 
hastily  and  so  cheaply  as  to  preclude  accuracy ;  but  as  means 
of  publicity  they  visibly  improve  from  decade  to  decade,  and, 
taken  together  with  the  magazines  and  'the  controversial  pam- 
phlet, they  shed  more  light  on  the  social,  industrial,  and  politi- 
cal life  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  than  was  ever  shed 
before  on  the  doings  and  ways  of  any  people.  This  force  is 
distinctly  new  within  this  century,  and  it  affords  a  new  and 
strong  guarantee  for  the  American  Republic. 

—  Charles  W.  Eliot. 


Should  there  be  any  restrictions  on  the  Freedom  of 
the  Press  f 

It  has  been  found  conducive  to  the  public  welfare 
to  forbid  the  publication  of  libels  and  of  obscene  and 
immoral  literature.  Publications  tending  to  excite 
riot  are  dangerous ;  but  progress  and  the  purity  of 


232  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

public  administration  are  so  largely  dependent  upon 
publicity,  discussion,  and  criticism,  that  no  unneces- 
sary restrictions  should  be  placed  upon  the  press. 

If  the  newspaper  is  the  school  of  the  people,  and  if  upon 
popular  education  and  intelligence  the  success  and  prosperity 
of  popular  government  depends,  there  is  no  function  in  society 
which  requires  more  conscience  as  well  as  ability. 

—  George  W.  Curtis. 

News  is  an  impalpable  thing — an  airy  abstraction;  to 
make  it  a  merchantable  commodity  somebody  has  to  collect 
it,  condense  it,  and  clothe  it  in  language ;  and  its  quality  de- 
pends upon  the  character  of  the  men  employed  in  doing  this. 

—  Edwin  L.  Godkin. 

The  legal  responsibility  of  newspapers  is  a  reality,  but  their 
moral  responsibility  is  greater  and  more  important. 

—  Charles  A.  Dana. 

As  a  part  of  the  right  of  personal  security,  the  preservation 
of  every  person's  good  name  from  the  vile  arts  of  detraction  is 
justly  included.  The  laws  of  the  ancients,  no  less  than  those 
of  modern  nations,  made  private  reputation  one  of  the  objects 
of  their  protection.  — James  Kent. 

Power,  unless  wedded  to  proportionate  legal  responsibility, 
is  a  despotism  which  is  always  degrading,  debasing,  dangerous, 
and,  sooner  or  later,  disastrous.  Let  the  legal  responsibility  of 
the  English  press  be  equivalent  to  the  greatness  of  its  power. 
Let  the  law  of  libel  be  drastic,  but  let  it  also  be  just.  Let 
there  be  no  interference  with  the  rightful  and  beneficent 
privileges  of  a  free  public  press.  Let  the  English  nation  take 


CIVIL   LIBERTY.  233 

heed  that  there  is  no  maiming  of  the  liberty  of  the  English 
press,  which  is  the  bulwark  of  the  national  liberty  wherein  we 
rejoice,  of  that  liberty  which  is  the  vital  breath  of  the  strong 
national  greatness  and  the  imperial  grandeur  wherewith  Eng- 
land, as  a  most  favored  nation,  has  been  blessed  and  honored 
by  the  all-ruling  Providence.  If  we  decide  that  the  open  air 
of  liberty,  —  the  heaven-sent  air,  —  is  too  rough  and  rude  for 
our  own  breathing,  and  refuse  to  inhale  it  till  it  has  become 
especially  prepared  for  our  consumption  according  to  the 
views  of  Professor  Squeamish  and  Doctor  Fad  and  Mrs.  Cod- 
dle, national  decadence  and  imperial  dissolution  will  be  the 
sure  and  well-merited  punishment  for  such  contemptible  and 
flagrant  folly.  —  John  B.  Hopkins. 


What  has  the  love  of  Liberty  done  for  the  race  ? 

It  is  one  of  the  strongest  impulses  of  the  soul  and 
has  been  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  progress.  Civili- 
zation is  nearly  synonymous  with  freedom.  When 
men  love  liberty  they  are  brave  and  progressive ; 
those  who  do  not  love  liberty  are  degraded  and 
despised. 

A  freeman  contending  for  liberty  on  his  own  ground  is 
superior  to  any  slavish  mercenary  on  earth. 

—  George  Washington. 

Those  who  have  died  for  this  cause  and  country  may  have 
"  builded  better  than  they  knew,"  but  they  knew  they  did  all 
they  could.  And  with  what  they  did  we  are  content;  the 
value  of  their  deeds  is  still  immeasurable. 

—  John  C.  Breckenridge. 


234  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

Freedom  is  not  an  end  in  itself,  but  a  means  only ;  a  means 
of  securing  justice  and  happiness,  the  real  end  and  aim  of 
states,  as  of  every  human  heart.  —  Charles  Sumner. 

A  century  and  more  has  passed,  and  as  the  foundations  of 
this  government  are  more  firmly  settled,  as  the  great  structure 
reared  by  our  fathers  now  spans  the  continent  from  ocean  to 
ocean,  and  has  victoriously  established  its  right  to  be,  political 
liberty  has  ceased  to  be  the  mere  dream  of  the  enthusiast  and 
has  become  the  every-day  fact  of  the  men  of  thought  and 
action  in  the  world.  —  David  J.  Brewer. 

The  claim  which  our  country  presents,  for  giving  no  second 
or  subordinate  character  to  the  age  which  has  just  closed,  rests 
only  on  what  has  been  accomplished,  at  home  and  abroad,  for 
elevating  the  condition  of  mankind,  for  advancing  political  and 
human  freedom,  for  promoting  the  greatest  good  of  the  great- 
est number,  for  proving  the  capacity  of  man  for  self-govern- 
ment, and  for  "  enlightening  the  world  "  by  the  example  of  a 
rational,  regulated,  enduring  constitutional  liberty.  And  who 
will  dispute  or  question  that  claim  ?  Tn  what  region  of  the 
earth  ever  so  remote  from  us,  in  what  corner  of  creation  ever 
so  far  out  of  the  range  of  our  communication,  does  not  some 
burden  lightened,  some  bond  loosened,  some  yoke  lifted,  some 
labor  better  remunerated,  some  new  hope  for  despairing  hearts, 
some  new  light  or  new  liberty  for  the  benighted  or  the  op- 
pressed, bear  witness  and  trace  itself,  directly  or  indirectly, 
back  to  the  impulse  given  to  the  world  by  the  successful  estab- 
lishment and  operation  of  free  institutions  on  this  American 
continent  ?  —  Robert  C.  Winfhrop. 

One  of  the  most  effective  motive  forces  in  human  history 
has  been  the  love  of  freedom.  From  the  earliest  dawn  of 


CIVIL   LIBERTY.  285 

civilization  to  the  present  day  it  has  never  been  absent  from 
the  human  heart.  Every  people  that  has  achieved  any  exalted 
position  has  been  actuated  more  or  less  by  the  spirit  of  liberty. 
It  has  called  into  active  exercise  the  noblest  talents  of  the 
race,  and  has  inspired  men  to  their  most  heroic  endeavors. 
Liberty  has  been  the  battle  cry  which  has  led  to  victory  on  a 
thousand  battlefields  ;  it  wrung  from  King  John  the  Magna 
Charta;  it  razed  the  Bastile  to  the  ground;  it  peopled  the 
solitudes  of  America  with  a  hardy  race  of  Pilgrims ;  it  led 
Washington  and  his  faithful  army  through  the  perils  and 
sufferings  of  a  seven  years'  war.  It  has  been  the  presiding 
genius  which,  age  after  age,  in  Greece,  Rome,  Switzerland, 
England,  France,  America,  and  in  the  South  Seas  has  molded 
constitutions,  framed  laws,  and  elaborated  institutions,  all 
seeking  to  secure  to  the  individual  the  highest  possible  lib- 
erty. The  spirit  of  freedom  is  the  spirit  of  progress.  It 
represents  much  of  what  is  strongest,  noblest,  and  best  in 
the  human  race.  —  T.  J.  M. 

All  in  vain  will  timorous  ones  essay 
To  set  the  metes  and  bounds  of  Liberty. 
For  Freedom  is  its  own  eternal  law. 
It  makes  its  own  conditions,  and  in  storm 
Or  calm  alike  fulfills  the  unerring  Will. 
Let  us  not  then  despise  it,  when  it  lies 

Still  as  a  sleeping  lion,  while  a  swarm 
Of  gnat-like  evils  hover  round  its  head ; 
Nor  doubt  it  when  in  mad,  disjointed  times 
It  shakes  the  torch  of  terror,  and  its  cry 
Shrills  o'er  the  quaking  earth  and  in  the  flame 
Of  riot  and  war  we  see  its  awful  form 
E/ise  by  the  scaffold  where  the  crimson  ax 


236  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

Rings  down  its  grooves  the  knell  of  shuddering  kings. 
For  always  in  thine  eyes,  0  Liberty ! 
Shines  that  high  light  whereby  the  world  is  saved, 
And  though  thou  slay  us,  we  will  trust  in  thee. 

—  John  Hay. 

Chains  may  subdue  the  feeble  spirit,  but  thee, 
Tell,  of  the  iron  heart,  they  could  not  tame ! 
For  thou  wert  of  the  mountains ;  they  proclaim 

The  everlasting  creed  of  liberty. 

That  creed  is  written  on  the  untrampled  snow, 
Thundered  by  torrents  which  no  power  can  hold, 
Save  that  of  God,  when  He  sends  forth  His  cold, 

And  breathed  by  winds  that  through  the  free  heaven  blow. 

Thou,  while  thy  prison-walls  were  dark  around, 
Didst  meditate  the  lesson  Nature  taught, 
And  to  thy  brief  captivity  was  brought 

A  vision  of  the  Switzerland  unbound. 

The  bitter  cup  they  mingled  strengthened  thee 
For  the  great  work  to  set  thy  country  free. 

—  William  Cullen  Bryant. 


RELIGIOUS    LIBERTY. 


ROGER    WILLIAMS    WELCOMED     BY    THE     NARRAGANSETTS. 


I  am  firmly  persuaded,  both  by  study  and  observation,  that  the  church  is  more 
sturdy  in  her  growth,  and  is  more  prosperous  in  her  career,  when  she  is  free  to 
vursue  her  divine  mission  without  any  interference  on  the  part  of  the  state.  Here, 
thank  God,  the  church  is  free,  and  therefore  she  is  prosperous.  Here  the  church 
and  the  state  run  in  parallel  lines,  each  assisting  the  other,  and  neither  of  them 
unwarrantably  intruding  on  the  domain  of  the  other.  Here  the  constitution  holds 
over  the  church  its  protecting  arm  without  interfering  in  ecclesiastical  affairs. 

—  JAMES  GIBBONS. 


RELIGIOUS   LIBERTY. 


Define  Religious  Liberty. 

It  is  the  right  of  every  individual  to  regulate  his 
own  religious  activities ;  he  may  accept  or  reject  any 
creed ;  adopt  any  or  no  form  of  worship  without 
interference. 

Nothing  can  be  conceived  more  abhorrent  to  the  spirit 
of  true  religion,  than  the  hypocritical  pretensions  of  kings, 
princes,  rulers,  and  magistrates,  to  uphold  her  holy  cause  by 
their  unholy  violence.  —  William  Gaston. 

Religious  liberty  is  a  natural,  fundamental,  and  inalienable 
right  of  every  man.  It  is  founded  in  the  sacredness  of  con- 
science, which  is  the  voice  of  God  in  man,  and  above  the  reach 
and  control  of  human  authority.  —  Philip  Scliaff. 

Religious  liberty  is  realized  when  every  citizen  possesses 
the  right  to  judge  in  religious  matters,  and  to  determine  the 
faith  or  the  religion  by  or  after  which  he  shall  order  his  life. 

—  A.  M.  Fairbaim. 

Religion  being  sacredly  personal,  a  direct  relation  between 
each  soul  and  God,  it  must,  of  necessity,  be  a  voluntary  rela- 


240  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

tion  on  man's  part.  Nobody  can  be  forced  into  the  kingdom  of 
God.  It  follows  that  every  man's  relation  to  God  is  a  thing 
to  be  settled  between  him  and  God  alone,  without  other  inter- 
vention. This  involves  the  inalienable  right  of  every  man  to 
decide  for  himself  how  he  shall  worship  God,  or  whether  he 
shall  worship  or  serve  God  at  all ;  and  no  other  human  being 
has  any  right  whatsoever  to  force  his  decision. 

—  Henry  C.  Vedder. 

Religion  is  a  union  with  God.  It  means  worship  or  homage 
rendered  to  a  supreme  being,  and  this,  as  both  history  and 
human  nature  testify,  is  the  highest  and  deepest  necessity  of 
the  human  soul.  But  this  is  impossible  without  a  free  choice. 
Worship  or  homage  would  be  unmeaning  unless  free.  Every 
one,  therefore,  has  the  right  to  religious  freedom.  This  does 
not  mean,  however,  the  right  to  do  in  the  name  of  religion 
whatever  the  religion  may  enjoin,  for  this  might  be  disorderly. 
But  it  means  that  every  person  has  the  right  to  hold,  without 
interference  by  the  government,  his  own  religious  beliefs,  and* 
to  carry  these  out  in  practice  so  far  as  this  can  be  done  with- 
out disorder.  —  Julius  H.  /Seelye. 

A  careful  examination  of  the  American  constitutions  will 
disclose  the  fact  that  nothing  is  more  fully  set  forth,  or  more 
plainly  expressed,  than  the  determination  of  their  authors  to 
preserve  and  perpetuate  religious  liberty  and  to  guard  against 
the  slightest  approach  towards  the  establishment  of  an  inequal- 
ity in  the  civil  and  political  rights  of  citizens,  which  shall  have 
for  its  basis  only  their  differences  of  religious  belief.  The 
American  people  came  to  the  work  of  framing  their  funda- 
mental laws,  after  centuries  of  religions  oppression  and  perse- 
cution, sometimes  by  one  party  or  sect  and  sometimes  by 
another,  had  taught  them  the  utter  futility  of  all  attempts  to 


RELIGIOUS   LIBERTY.  241 

propagate  religious  opinions  by  the  rewards,  penalties,  or  ter- 
rors of  human  laws.  While  careful  to  establish,  protect,  and 
defend  religious  freedom  and  equality,  the  American  constitu- 
tions contain  no  provisions  which  prohibit  the  authorities  from 
such  solemn  recognition  of  a  superintending  Providence  in  pub- 
lic transactions  and  exercises  as  the  general  religious  sentiment 
of  mankind  inspires,  and  seems  meet  and  proper  in  finite  and 
dependent  beings.  —  Thomas  M.  Cooley. 

Freedom  in  civil  affairs,  freedom  of  thought,  and  freedom 
of  speech  are  valued  possessions ;  but  religious  freedom  is 
more  sacred  than  all  these,  because  it  is  first  in  the  estimation 
of  humanity,  and  because  it  is  the  chief  protection  and  guar- 
antee of  all  other  freedom.  —  James  M.  King. 


Define  Liberty  of  Conscience. 

It  is  the  liberty  to  do  what  we  believe  to  be  right. 

Conscience  —  God's  vicegerent  in  the  soul. 

—  A.  P.  Buchan. 

Labor  to  keep  alive  in  your  breast  that  little  spark  of  celes- 
tial fire,  called  conscience.  —  George  Washington. 

The  end  which  is  to  be  reached,  and  toward  which  all  liberty 
and  political  civilization  tends,  is  perfect  liberty  of  conscience. 

—  Francis  Lieber. 

Conscience  is  the  crowning  faculty  of  man,  and  constitutes 
his  chief  distinction  from  the  lower  animals.  It  lifts  him 
above  the  mere  animal  in  proportion  as  its  supremacy  is  main- 
tained. Its  decisions,  if  intelligent  and  complied  with,  secure 

PAT.  C1T.  —  16 


242  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

to  the  individual  the  highest  manhood  that  his  enlightenment 
permits.  Not  to  recognize  the  authority  of  its  decisions  as 
supreme,  is  to  introduce  discord  and  anarchy  among  the  soul's 
powers,  overthrowing  the  authority  of  all  and  insuring  in  the 
end  deformity  of  character,  if  not  utter  destruction  of  all 
personal  virtue.  — Ezekiel  G.  Robinson. 

I  wish  popularity,  but  it  is  that  popularity  which  follows, 
not  that  which  is  run  after.  It  is  that  popularity  which,  sooner 
or  later,  never  fails  to  do  justice  to  the  pursuit  of  noble  ends 
by  noble  means.  I  will  not  do  that  which  my  conscience  tells 
me  is  wrong,  to  gain  the  huzzas  of  thousands,  or  the  daily 
praise  of  all  the  papers  which  come  from  the  press.  I  will 
not  avoid  doing  what  I  think  is  right,  though  it  should  draw 
on  me  the  whole  artillery  of  libels  —  all  that  falsehood  and 
malice  can  invent,  or  the  credulity  of  a  deluded  populace  can 
swallow.  — Lord  Mansfield. 

When  the  same  principles  (religious  liberty)  were  recog- 
nized in  Rhode  Island  by  Eoger  Williams's  settlement,  in  the 
settlement  of  Pennsylvania,  and  finally  through  all  the  states 
of  the  American  Eepublic,  it  was  done  for  religious  reasons, 
in  vindication  of  those  rights  conscience  most  strongly  affirms. 

—  A.  M.  Fairbairn. 

The  arrangement  of  God  which  makes  man's  conscience  his 
guide  to  action,  is  beneficent  every  way.  The  results  will  be 
seen  in  the  end  in  a  purer  piety;  in  a  nobler  self-devotion; 
in  a  grander  and  more  powerful  grasp  of  the  principles  of 
duty ;  in  a  more  exalted  communion  with  God  in  His  holiness ; 
in  a  higher  disregard  of  the  blandishments  of  time ;  in  a 
mightier  unfolding  of  all  spiritual  force ;  in  a  deeper  impres- 
sion on  the  history  of  the  world.  —  Richard  S.  Storrs. 


RELIGIOUS   LIBERTY.  243 

Why  should  we  have  Freedom  of  Conscience  f 

The  Creator  has  planted  in  every  individual  an 
inward  monitor  that  urges  us  to  do  right  and  to 
shun  evil.  When  we  obey  it,  we  have  peace;  when 
we  disobey,  we  suffer  remorse.  We  are  moral  be- 
ings, under  the  most  sacred  obligations  to  obey  con- 
science, and  hence  we  should  be  left  free  to  do  so. 

Whatever  creed  be  taught,  or  land  be  trod, 
Man's  conscience  is  the  oracle  of  God. 

—  Lord  Byrcm. 

It  is  an  ill  homage  to  God  to  compel  a  man  to  serve  him,  as 
if  he  could  be  pleased  with  the  service  of  hypocrisy. 

—  Tertullian. 

No  forced  obedience  pleases  God;  he  dislikes  that  men 
should  be  made  religious  by  hatchet  and  by  sword. 

—  Athanasius. 

Trust  that  man  in  nothing  who  has  not  a  conscience  in 
everything.  —  Laurence  Sterne. 

There  is  no  sterner  fact  in  human  experience  than  the 
guilty  conscience ;  the  man  who  is  not  saved  from  it  becomes 
its  victim,  it  depraves  him  and  darkens  all  his  world. 

—  A.  M.  Fairbairn. 

O  Conscience !  mute,  mysterious  guest ! 

Man  fain  would  pluck  thee  from  his  breast, 

As  if  thou  wert  his  deadly  foe, 

The  only  cause  of  human  woe ; 

Could  he  but  snatch  thy  golden  crown, 


UHI7BB 


244  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

And  madly  pull  thy  temple  down, 
Dark  Vice  would  rear  her  bloody  shrines 
Where  perish  hopes  and  Virtue  pines; 
Strike  but  the  brave  heart-monarch  dumb, 
And  earth  a  desert  would  become. 

—  James  Linen 

Yet  know  thou  this  : 
At  quick  of  thy  being 
Is  an  eye,  all  seeing, 
The  snake's  wit  evadeth  not, 
The  charmed  lip  persuadeth  not ; 
So  thoroughly  it  despiseth 
The  thing  thy  hand  prizeth, 
Tho'  the  sun  were  thy  clothing, 
It  should  count  thee  for  nothing. 
Thine  own  eye  divineth  thee, 
Thine  own  soul  arraigneth  thee  j 
God  himself  cannot  shrive  thee 
Till  that  judge  forgive  thee. 

—  Dora  Read  Goodale. 


What  is  meant  by  Freedom  of  Worship  f 

The  right  to  worship  God  in  accordance  with  the 
dictates  of  conscience. 

The  mind  is  its  own  master.  Therefore  in  what  regards 
the  interior  movement  of  the  will,  man  is  not  bound  to  obey 
man,  but  only  God ;  for  all  men  are  by  nature  equal. 

—  Tfiomas  Aquinas. 


RELIGIOUS  LIBEETY.  245 

Is  not  this  system  of  freedom  of  controversy  and  freedom 
of  worship,  sufficient  for  all  the  purposes  of  human  happiness 
and  improvement  ?  —  Thomas  Erskine. 

If  there  is  any  right  sacred  beyond  all  others,  because  it 
imports  everlasting  consequences,  it  is  the  right  to  worship 
God  according  to  the  dictates  of  our  own  consciences. 

—  Joseph  Story. 

For  me,  though  censured,  threatened,  persecuted,  I  must 
profess,  while  heaven  and  earth  last,  that  no  one  tenent  that 
either  London,  England,  or  the  world  doth  harbor,  is  so  hereti- 
cal, blasphemous,  seditious,  and  dangerous  to  the  corporal,  to 
the  spiritual,  to  the  present,  to  the  eternal  good  of  all  men 
as  the  bloody  tenent  (however  \vashed  and  whited)  I  say,  as  is 
the  bloody  tenent  of  persecution  for  cause  of  conscience. 

—  Roger  Williams. 

Liberty  of  conscience  requires  liberty  of  worship  as  its 
manifestation.  To  grant  the  former  and  deny  the  latter  is  to 
imprison  conscience  and  to  promote  hypocrisy  or  infidelity. 
Religion  is  in  its  nature  voluntary,  and  ceases  to  be  religion  in 
proportion  as  it  is  forced.  God  wants  free  worshipers,  and  no 
others.  —  Philip  Schaff. 

Happy  is  that  nation  whose  children  are  educated  in  the 
principles  and  trained  in  the  practice  of  religious  freedom, 
are  made  acquainted  in  their  youthful  days  with  its  nature  and 
worth,  are  inspired  from  the  earliest  period  with  ardent  love 
for  it.  This  will  prove  the  best  and  most  effective  method  of 
permanently  securing  this  invaluable  treasure,  and  of  trans- 
mitting it  down,  from  age  to  age,  to  the  latest  posterity. 

—  Benjamin  Brook. 


246  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

It  remains  for  the  United  States  to  build  a  highway,  broad 
and  free,  into  every  field  of  liberal  inquiry,  and  to  make  the 
poorest  of  men  who  walks  therein  more  secure  in  life  and 
reputation  than  the  soldier  who  sleeps  behind  the  rampart. 
The  right  of  free  thought,  free  inquiry,  and  free  speech  is 
as  clear  as  the  noonday  and  bounteous  as  the  air  and  ocean. 
Without  a  full  and  cheerful  recognition  of  this  right,  America 
is  only  a  name,  her  glory  a  dream,  her  institutions  a  mockery. 

—  John  C.  Rid/path. 


Why  should  the  Law  not  interfere  with  Worship  f 

Because  religion  is  a  personal  question,  strictly  a 
matter  of  conscience. 

Of  all  the  attempts  to  arrogate  unjust  dominion,  none  is  so 
pernicious  as  the  efforts  of  tyrannical  men  to  rule  over  the 
human  conscience.  Religion  is  exclusively  an  affair  between 
man  and  his  God.  If  there  be  any  subject  upon  which  the 
interference  of  human  power  is  more  forbidden  than  on  all 
others,  it  is  on  religion.  —  William  Gaston. 

Religion  is  ever  a  matter  between  God  and  the  individual ; 
the  imposing  of  religious  tests  hath  been  the  greatest  engine 
of  tyranny  in  the  world.  —  Isaac  Backus. 

The  whole  history  of  the  Christian  religion  shows  that  she 
is  in  far  greater  danger  of  being  corrupted  by  the  alliance  with 
the  civil  power  than  of  being  crushed  by  its  opposition. 

—  Thomas  B.  Macaulay. 

It  is  frequently  said  that  Christianity  is  a  part  of  the  law 
of  the  land.  In  a  certain  sense  and  for  certain  purposes  this 
is  true.  The  best  features  of  the  common  law,  —  and  espe- 


RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY.  247 

cially  those  which  regard  the  family  and  social  relations ; 
which  compel  the  parent  to  support  the  child,  the  husband 
to  support  the  wife  ;  which  makes  the  marriage  tie  permanent 
and  forbids  polygamy, — if  not  derived  from,  have  at  least 
been  improved  and  strengthened  by  the  prevailing  religion 
and  the  teachings  of  its  sacred  book.  But  the  law  does  not 
attempt  to  enforce  the  precepts  of  Christianity  on  the  ground 
of  their  sacred  character  or  divine  origin.  Some  of  those 
precepts,  though  we  may  admit  their  continual  and  universal 
obligation,  we  must  nevertheless  recognize  as  being  incapable 
of  enforcement  by  human  laws.  —  Thomas  M.  Cooley. 

Religious  liberty,  like  civil  liberty,  the  liberty  of  speech, 
the  liberty  of  the  press,  and  every  other  liberty,  is  liable  to 
abuse  and  consequent  punishment.  Every  man's  liberty  is 
limited  by  the  golden  rule,  not  to  do  unto  others  what  we 
would  not  have  them  do  unto  us.  Nobody  has  a  right  to 
trespass  on  the  rights  of  his  neighbor,  or  to  do  wrong.  A 
government  consults  its  own  interest  by  protecting  all  and 
persecuting  none.  —  Philip  Schaff. 

The  abstention  of  the  state  from  interference  in  matters  of 
faith  and  worship  may  be  advocated  on  two  principles,  which 
may  be  called  the  political  and  the  religious.  The  former 
he1  is  any  attempt  at  compulsion  by  the  civil  power  to  be  an 
infringement  on  liberty  of  thought,  as  well  as  on  liberty  of 
action.  The  second  principle,  embodying  the  more  purely 
religious  view  of  the  question,  starts  from  the  conception  of 
the  church  as  a  spiritual  body  existing  for  spiritual  purposes, 
and  moving  along  spiritual  paths.  Compulsion  of  any  kind  is 
contrary  to  the  nature  of  such  a  body,  which  lives  by  love  and 
reverence,  not  by  law.  —  James  Bryce. 


248  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

What  is  meant  by  the  Separation  of  Church  and 
State  ? 

In  some  countries  there  is  an  established  or  state 
church,  sustained  by  public  taxation ;  the  church 
and  state  are  said  to  be  united.  In  this  country  it 
is  not  so  ;  there  is  no  established  church.  All  the 
churches  are  treated  alike  ;  each  is  supported  by 
voluntary  contributions.  Church  and  state  are  sepa- 
rate, and  the  churches  are  free  to  manage  their 
own  affairs  in  their  own  way. 

Not  democracy  in  America,  but  free  Christianity  in  Amer- 
ica, is  the  real  key  to  the  study  of  the  people  and  their 
institutions.  —  Goldwin  Smith. 

The  absence  of  state  interference  in  matters  of  religion  is 
one  of  the  most  striking  differences  between  all  the  European 
countries  on  the  one  hand  and  the  United  States  on  the  other. 
So  far  from  suffering  from  the  want  of  state  support,  religion 
seems  in  the  United  States  to  stand  all  the  firmer  because  of  it. 

—  James  Bryce. 

In  England  the  established  church  is  an  adjunct  of  the 
state.  It  is  supported  by  a  tax,  levied  on  every  one,  whether 
believing  in  its  doctrines  and  attending  its  services  or  not.  Its 
prelates  are  appointed  by  the  crown,  under  the  form  of  an 
election,  which  is,  however,  nothing  but  a  form.  Its  ministers 
are  not  selected  by  their  congregations,  but  are  appointed  by 
the  state  or  by  private  individuals  who  have  inherited  or  pur- 
chased this  privilege,  and  who  may  be  atheists  or  pagans. 

—  Douglas  Campbell 


RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY.  249 

The  whole  solution  of  the  problem  of  the  relation  of  church 
and  state  lies  in  the  declaration  of  Christ,  "My  kingdom  is 
not  of  this  world ;  "  and  in  that  wisest  answer  ever  given  to  a 
perplexing  question,  "  Render  unto  Caesar  the  things  that  are 
Caesar's,  and  unto  God  the  things  that  are  God's." 

—  Philip  Scliaff. 


In  what  colonies  was  Religious  Liberty  first  estab- 
lished in  this  country  ? 

Religious  liberty  was  first  established  in  Rhode 
Island,  by  the  royal  charter  of  1647.  Roger  Williams, 
who  fled  from  religious  persecution  in  Massachusetts, 
in  1636,  established  a  colony  at  Providence  and  be- 
came the  champion  of  religious  liberty.  In  1634, 
Cecil  Calvert,  Lord  Baltimore,  established  a  colony 
in  Maryland  as  a  refuge  for  Roman  Catholics,  but 
extended  the  right  of  religious  freedom  to  all  Chris- 
tians of  whatever  sect.  In  1649,  the  first  law  guar- 
anteeing religious  freedom  ever  passed  by  such  a 
body,  was  enacted  by  the  Maryland  Legislature. 

There  are  but  two  of  the  early  colonies  of  which  the  claim 
can  be  seriously  made  that  they  were  founded  on  any  principle 
of  religious  freedom.  These  two  are  Rhode  Island  and  Mary- 
land. It  was  said  of  the  first  by  Roger  Williams,  its  spiritual 
founder,  that  "a  permission  of  the  most  paganish,  Jewish, 
Turkish,  or  anti-Christian  conscience  "  should  be  there  granted 
"  to  all  men  of  all  nations  and  countries." 

Maryland    has    shared   with   Rhode    Island   the    honor   of 


250  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

having  established  religious  freedom,  and  this  claim  is  largely 
based  upon  the  noble  decree  passed  by  its  General  Assembly  in 
1649 :  "  No  person  whatsoever  in  this  province  professing  to 
believe  in  Jesus  Christ  shall  from  henceforth  be  any  way 
troubled  or  molested  for  his  or  her  religion,  or  in  the  free 
exercise  thereof,  or  any  way  compelled  to  the  belief  or  exercise 
of  any  other  religion  against  his  or  her  consent." 

—  Thomas  W.  Higginson. 

The  charter  which  Charles  II.  granted  to  Rhode  Island  in 
response  to  the  appeal  of  Roger  Williams  was  "  the  first  royal 
proclamation  of  religious  liberty  for  man  as  man  that  the 
world  had  heard."  — Joseph  Story. 

Roger  Williams  was  the  first  person  in  modern  Christendom 
to  assert,  in  its  plenitude,  the  doctrine  of  the  liberty  of  con- 
science, the  equality  of  opinions  before  the  law;  and  in  its 
defense  he  was  the  harbinger  of  Milton,  the  precursor  and  the 
superior  of  Jeremy  Taylor.  —  George  Bancroft. 

We  have  therefore  thought  fit,  and  do  hereby  publish,  grant, 
ordain  and  declare,  that  our  royal  will  and  pleasure  is,  that  no 
person  within  the  said  colony,  at  any  time  hereafter,  shall  be 
any  wise  molested,  punished,  disquieted,  or  called  in  question, 
for  any  differences  in  opinion  in  matters  of  religion,  and  do 
not  actually  disturb  the  civil  peace  of  our  said  colony ;  but 
that  all  and  every  person  and  persons  may,  from  time  to 
time,  and  at  all  times  hereafter,  freely  and  fully  have  and 
enjoy  his  and  their  own  judgments  and  consciences,  in  mat- 
ters of  religious  concernments,  throughout  the  tract  of  land 
hereafter  mentioned,  they  behaving  themselves  peaceably  and 
quietly,  and  not  using  this  liberty  to 'licentiousness  and  pro- 
faneness,  nor  to  the  civil  injury  or  outward  disturbance  of 


RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY.  251 

others,  any  law,  statute,  or  clause  therein  contained,  or  to  be 
contained,  usage  or  custom  of  this  realm,  to  the  contrary 
hereof,  in  any  wise,  notwithstanding. 

—  Charter  of  Rhode  Island. 

The  design  of  the  law  of  Maryland  was  undoubtedly  to 
protect  freedom  of  conscience;  and,  some  years  after  it  had 
been  confirmed,  the  apologist  of  Lord  Baltimore  could  assert, 
that  his  government,  in  conformity  with  his  strict  and  repeated 
injunctions,  had  never  given  disturbance  to  any  person  in 
Maryland  for  matter  of  religion;  that  the  colonists  enjoyed 
freedom  of  conscience,  not  less  than  freedom  of  person  and 
estate,  as  amply  as  ever  any  people  in  any  place  of  the  world. 
The  disfranchised  friends  of  prelacy  from  Massachusetts,  and 
the  Puritans  from  Virginia,  were  welcomed  to  equal  liberty  of 
conscience  and  political  rights  in  the  Roman  Catholic  province 
of  Maryland.  —  George  Bancroft. 


What  was  secured  ~by  the  First  Amendment  to  the 
Constitution  f 

It  guaranteed  religious  liberty,  freedom  of  speech, 
freedom  of  the  press,  the  right  of  peaceable  assembly, 
and  the  right  of  petition.  It  reads  as  follows  :  — 

"  Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment 
of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof ;  or  abridg- 
ing the  freedom  of  speech,  or  of  the  press ;  or  the  right  of  the 
people  peaceably  to  assemble,  and  to  petition  for  a  redress  of 
grievances." 

Congress  was  deprived  of  all  legislative  power  over  mere 


252  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

opinion,  but  was  left   free  to  reach   actions  which  were   in 
violation  of  social  duties  or  subversive  of  good  order. 

—  Henry  M.  Waite. 

This  relationship  of  church  and  state  marks  an  epoch.  It 
is  U  new  chapter  in  the  history  of  Christianity,  and  the  most 
important  one  which  America  has  so  far  contributed. 

-  Philip  Schaff. 

If  we  had  nothing  else  to  boast  of,  we  could  claim  with 
justice  that,  first  among  the  nations,  we  of  this  country  made 
it  an  article  of  organic  law  that  the  relations  between  man  and 
his  Maker  were  a  private  concern  into  which  other  men  had  no 
right  to  intrude.  —  David  Dudley  Field. 

Vindicating  the  right  of  individuality  even  in  religion,  and 
in  -religion  above  all,  the  new  Nation  dares  to  set  the  example 
of  accepting,  in  its  relations  to  God,  the  principle  first  divinely 
ordained  in  Judea.  It  left  the  management  of  temporal 
things  to  the  temporal  power ;  but  the  American  constitution, 
in  harmony  with  the  people  of  the  several  states,  withheld 
from  the  federal  government  the  power  to  invade  the  home  of 
reason,  the  citadel  of  conscience,  the  sanctuary  of  the  soul; 
and  not  from  indifference,  but  that  the  infinite  spirit  of  eternal 
truth  might  move  in  its  freedom  and  purity  and  power. 

—  George  Bancroft. 


What  is  the  proper  relation  of  the  Church  and  the 
State  ? 

The  State,  or  Nation,  is  composed  of  free  people 
living  together  under  a  general  system  of  laws,  or 
civil  government,  designed  to  maintain  order  and 


RELIGIOUS   LIBERTY.  253 

justice,  and  to  secure  tranquillity  and  prosperity :  it 
should  be  governed  by  the  moral  law,  protecting  its 
citizens  in  the  enjoyment  of  religious  privileges,  but 
should  not  seek  to  favor  any  church,  or  to  establish 
any  form  of  religion.  The  Church  is  a  voluntary 
organization  of  \vorshipers,  which  seeks  to  promote 
man's  spiritual  welfare  by  its  teachings,  its  ordi- 
nances, ceremonies,  and  discipline.  Its  authority 
stops  with  its  own  members,  who  choose  to  submit 
to  its  direction.  It  may  appeal  to  the  State  for 
protection,  but  not  for  aid.  It  has  no  political  func- 
tions, and  should  have  no  political  power.  There 
should  be  a  "free  church  in  a  free  state,"  independ- 
ent of  each  other,  but  mutually  helpful. 

Driven  from  every  other  corner  of  the  earth,  freedom  of 
thought  and  the  right  of  private  judgment  in  matters  of  con- 
science direct  their  course  to  this  happy  country  as  their  last 
asylum.  Let  us  cherish  the  noble  guests  !  Let  us  shelter  them 
under  the  wings  of  universal  toleration!  Be  this  the  seat  of 
unbounded  religious  freedom  !  She  will  bring  with  her,  in  her 
train,  industry,  wisdom,  and  commerce.  —  Samuel  Adams. 

Keligion  flourishes  in  greater  purity  without  than  with  the 
aid  of  government.  —  James  Madison. 

I  contemplate  with  sovereign  reverence  the  act  of  the  whole 
American  people,  which  declares  that  their  Legislature  should 
make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  religion  or  pro- 
hibiting the  free  exercise  thereof,  thus  building  a  wall  of  sepa- 
ration between  church  and  state.  —  Thomas  Jefferson. 


254  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

The  principles  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of 
America  are  distinctly  hostile  to  ecclesiastical  interference  in 
local  or  national  governments.  —  Alonzo  Potter. 

Civil  Government,  as  such,  has  no  religious  functions. 
Religious  doctrine  and  worship  are  outside  its  sphere  of 
administration.  — J.  L.  M.  Curry. 

It  is  the  same  in  Pennsylvania  as  elsewhere,  the  general 
principles  and  public  policy  are  sometimes  established  by 
constitutional  provisions,  sometimes  by  legislative  enactments, 
sometimes  by  judicial  decisions,  and  sometimes  by  general 
consent.  But  however  they  may  be  established,  there  is  noth- 
ing that  we  look  for  with  more  certainty  than  this  general 
principle,  that  Christianity  is  part  of  the  law  of  the  land. 
Everything  declares  it.  The  massive  cathedral  of  the  Cath- 
olic; the  Episcopalian  church,  with  its  lofty  spire  pointing 
heavenward ;  the  plain  temple  of  the  Quaker ;  the  log  church 
of  the  hardy  pioneer  of  the  wilderness;  the  mementos  and 
memorials  around  and  about  us ;  the  consecrated  graveyards, 
their  tombstones  and  epitaphs,  their  silent  vaults,  their  mold- 
ering  contents,  —  all  attest  it.  The  dead  prove  it  as  well  as 
the  living.  The  generations  that  are  gone  before  speak  to  it, 
and  pronounce  it  from  the  tomb.  We  feel  it.  All,  all  proclaim 
that  Christianity,  —  general,  tolerant  Christianity,  Christianity 
independent  of  sects  and  parties,  that  Christianity  to  which 
the  sword  and  the  fagot  are  unknown,  —  general,  tolerant 
Christianity,  is  the  law  of  the  land.  — Daniel  Webster. 


POPULATION   AND    IMMIGRATION. 


AN    EMIGRANT    SHIP. 

"Away,  away  o'er  the  foaming  main!" 

This  was  the  free  and  joyous  strain. 

"  There  are  clearer  skies  than  ours,  afar, 

We  will  shape  our  course  by  a  brighter  star; 

There  are  plains  whose  verdure  no  foot  hath  pressed 

And  whose  wealth  is  all  for  the  first  brave  guest.'" 

—  FELICIA  D.  HEMANS. 


POPULATION    AND    IMMIGRATION. 


What  is  the  Population  of  the  United  States,  and 
how  rapidly  does  it  increase  ? 

The  last  census  showed  that  our  population  in 
1890  was  62,622,250,  of  which  54,983,890  were 
whites.  Of  this  number,  34,358,348  were  native 
born  of  native  parents,  11,503,675  were  native  born 
of  foreign  parents,  and  9,121,867  were  foreign  born ; 
that  is  to  say,  20,625,542  were  immigrants  or  the 
children  of  immigrants.  Our  population  doubles  in 
about  thirty  years.  At  this  rate  of  increase,  it  may 
possibly  reach  five  hundred  millions  in  another 
hundred  years.  It  is  now  (1895)  nearly  seventy 
millions. 

The  population  of  the  United  States  at  the  various  censuses, 
commencing  with  1790  and  closing  with  1890,  just  a  round 
century,  with  the  positive  increase  from  census  to  census, 
and  the  per  cent  of  increase,  are  all  shown  in  the  following 
table :  - 

PAT.  CIT.  — 17  257 


258 


PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 


YEAR. 

POPULATION. 

POSITIVE  INCREASE. 

PEK  CENT  OF 
INCREASE. 

1790 

3,929,214 

1800 

5,308,483 

1,379,269 

35.10 

1810 

7,239,881 

1,931,398 

36.38 

1820 

9,633,822 

2,393,941 

33.06 

1830 

12,866,020 

3,232,198 

32.51 

1840 

17,069,453 

4,203,433 

33.52 

1850 

23,191,876 

6,122,423 

35.83 

1860 

31,443,321 

8,251,445 

35.11 

1870 

38,558,371 

7,115,050 

22.65 

1880 

50,155,783 

11,597,412 

30.08 

1890 

62,622,250 

12,466,467 

24.86 

A  hundred  years  ago  the  English-speaking  population  of 
America  amounted  to  three  millions ;  it  now  amounts  to  sixty 
millions,  and  we  are  told,  with  every  appearance  of  probability, 
that  in  another  hundred  years  it  will  amount  to  six  hundred 
millions.  Under  these  circumstances,  I  wish  to  recognize  the 
right  of  America  to  be  considered  as  being,  prospectively  at 
least  and  even  now  to  a  certain  extent,  —  for  we  have  not  in 
our  small  islands  yet  quite  touched  forty  millions,  —  I  wish  to 
recognize  the  prospective  and  approaching  right  of  America 
to  be  the  great  organ  of  the  powerful  English  tongue. 

-William  E.  Gladstone  (1889). 

As  the  line  of  agricultural  occupation  draws  closer  to  the 
great  barren  plains ;  as  the  older  Western  states  change  more 
and  more  to  manufactures  and  to  commerce;  as  the  manu- 
facturing and  commercial  communities  of  the  East  become 
compacted;  as  the  whole  population  tends  increasingly  to 
fashion  and  social  observance ;  as  diet,  dress,  and  equipage 
become  more  and  more  artificial ;  as  the  detestable  American 
vice  of  "boarding,"  making  children  truly  " incumbrances," 


POPULATION   AND   IMMIGRATION.  259 

and  uprooting  the  ancient  and  honored  institutions  of  the 
family,  extends  from  city  to  city  and  from  village  to  village, 
it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  we  shall  note  a  steady  decline 
in  the  rate  of  the  national  increase  from  decade  to  decade. 
But  it  would  be  merely  an  attempt  at  imposture  to  assume 
that  numerical  data  exist  for  determining,  within  eight  or 
ten  or  twelve  millions,  the  population  of  the  country  thirty 
years  from  the  date  of  the  last  census.  As  long  as  one 
simple  force  was  operating  expansively  upon  a  homogeneous 
people,  within  a  territory  affording  fertile  lands  beyond  the 
ability  of  the  existing  population  to  occupy,  so  long  it  was 
no  miracle  to  predict,  with  accuracy,  the  results  of  the  cen- 
sus. But  in  the  eddy  and  swirl  of  social  and  industrial  cur- 
rents through  which  the  nation  is  now  passing,  it  is  wholly 
impossible  to  estimate  the  rate  of  its  progress,  even  though 
we  may  feel  sure  that  the  good  ship  will  steadily  hold 
her  course,  and  in  time  round  the  point  which  hopes  too 
fond  had,  —  on  the  strength  of  a  fortunate  run  made  upon  a 
smooth  sea,  with  favoring  winds  and  following  floods,  —  pre- 
dicted would  be  reached  by  the  blessed  year  1900.  This  much, 
however,  may  with  <lilli<lriict>  be  said:  that  the  best  of  probable 
good  fortune  will  hardly  carry  the  population  of  the  country 
beyond  seventy-five  millions  by  the  close  of  the  century. 

—  Francis  A.  Walker. 


What  is  the  influence  of  Immigration? 

Immigration  has  been  one  of  the  principal  causes 
of  the  increase  of  population  and  of  the  development 
of  the  country.  Several  millions  of  people  from 
many  different  lands  have  come  here  to  live ;  this 


260  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

modern    migration    of   nations    is  one  of   the    most 
momentous  occurrences  in  human  history. 

America !  half  brother  of  the  world ! 

With  something  good  and  bad  of  every  land. 

-  Philip  James  Bailey. 

We  are  connected  with  the  several  nations  and  races  of  the 
world  as  no  other  people  has  ever  been  connected.  We  have 
opened  our  doors  and  invited  emigration  to  our  soil  from  all 
lands.  Our  invitation  has  been  accepted.  Thousands  have 
come  at  our  bidding.  Thousands  more  are  on  the  way.  Other 
thousands  still  are  standing  a-tiptoe  on  the  shores  of  the  Old 
World,  eager  to  find  a  passage  to  the  land  where  bread  may  be 
had  for  labor,  and  where  man  is  treated  as  man.  In  our  politi- 
cal family  almost  all  nations  are  represented.  The  several 
varieties  of  the  race  are  here  subjected  to  a  social  fusion,  out 
of  which  Providence  designs  to  form  a  "  new  man." 

—  William  P.  Lunt. 

During  the  last  ten  years  we  have  suffered  a  peaceful 
invasion  by  an  army  more  than  four  times  as  vast  as  the 
estimated  number  of  Goths  and  Vandals  that  swept  over 
southern  Europe  and  overwhelmed  Koine.  During  the  past 
hundred  years  fifteen  million  foreigners  have  made  their 
homes  in  the  United  States,  and  three  quarters  of  them  have 
come  since  1850,  while  5,248,000  have  arrived  since  1880. 

—  Josiali  Strong. 

In  the  van  of  the  progressive  movement  of  civilization,  our 
country  alike  greets  the  most  ancient  of  nations,  and  the  social 
fabric  whose  many  centuries  know  no  change.  Further,  she 
has  gathered  within  her  borders  all  colors,  creeds,  and  minds. 
Providence  has  bidden  America  to  train,  educate,  uplift,  blend 


POPULATION  AND   IMMIGRATION.  261 

in  fraternity,  eastern  and  western,  northern  and  southern 
humanity.  Here,  in  these  United  States,  is  the  grandest 
school  of  the  brotherhood  of  man!  Here,  the  conscience  and 
religion  are  free !  Here,  the  Fatherhood  of  God  is  best  illus- 
trated in  church,  in  government,  and  in  the  human  institutions 
which  interpret  Him!  In  the  old  countries  the  people  are 
feared  or  despised;  here,  the  people  are  trusted,  made  respon- 
sible, allowed  to  govern  themselves.  Here,  in  marvelous  har- 
mony, local  forms  of  freedom  are  blended  with  central  power. 

—  William  E.  Grijfis. 

English  and  Irish,  French  and  Spanish, 
Germans,  Italians,  Dutch,  and  Danish, 
Crossing  their  veins  until  they  vanish 

In  one  conglomeration! 
So  subtle  a  tangle  of  blood,  indeed, 
No  Heraldry  Harvey  will  ever  succeed 

In  finding  the  circulation. 

—  John  G.  Saxe. 

She  takes,  but  to  give  again, 

As  the  sea  returns  the  rivers  in  rain; 

And  gathers  the  chosen  of  her  seed 

From  the  hunted  of  every  crown  and  creed. 

Her.  Germany  dwells  by  a  gentler  Rhine ; 

Her  Ireland  sees  the  old  sunburst  shine; 

Her  Kraiiee  pursues  some  dream  divine; 

Her  Norway  keeps  his  mountain  pine; 

Her  Italy  waits  by  t he  western  brine ; 

And,  broad-based,  under  all 

Is  planted   Knghind's  oaken-hearted  mood, 

As  rich  in  fortitude 

As  e'er  went  world-ward  from  the  island  wall. 


£62  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

Fused  in  her  candid  light, 

To  one  strong  race  all  races  here  unite ; 

Tongues  melt  in  hers  ;  hereditary  foenien 

Forget  their  sword  and  slogan,  kith  and  clan. 

'Twas  glory,  once,  to  be  a  Roman. ; 

She  makes  it  glory,  now,  to  be  a  man. 

—  Bayard  Taylor. 


What  advantage,  if  any,  arises  from  such  a  blending 
of  races  as  is  going  on  in  this  country  f 

It  tends  to  develop  a  rugged,  hardy,  aggressive 
race,  which  will  unite  the  best  elements  of  the  differ- 
ent nationalities  represented  ;  it  utilizes  their  noblest 
traditions  and  highest  achievements  in  science,  lit- 
erature, industries,  inventions,  and  in  government. 
The  Americans  are  akin  to  all  the  world,  and  the 
heirs  of  all  the  ages.  If  the  controlling  forces  remain 
essentially  the  same  and  preserve  their  assimilat- 
ing vigor,  the  new  amalgam  —  the  American  — 
should  become  the  highest  type  of  humanity,  and 
Americanism  the  most  complete  stage  of  civilization. 

It  is  a  general  rule,  now  almost  universally  admitted  by 
ethnologists,  that  the  mixed  races  of  mankind  are  superior  to 
the  pure  ones.  —  George  Rawlinson. 

Significant  is  the  new  human  amalgam  in  these  lands.  It 
is  Anglo-Saxon  plus  many  other  elements.  The  original  Briton 
touched  by  the  Roman,  overwhelmed  by  the  Anglo-Saxon, 
mixed  with  the  Norman,  the  Flemish,  and  the  Huguenot, 


POPULATION  AND  IMMIGRATION.  263 

with  intermingling  of  Scot  and  Celt,  and  in  recent  times  of 
continental  peoples,  has  evolved  a  new  type  in  the  Old 
World,  while  the  intermixture  in  America  is  producing  a  still 
different  type.  Such  a  world  mixture  has  never  been  known 
before.  It  is  Babel  reversed ;  there,  separation,  segregation, 
differentiation ;  here,  aggregation,  fusion,  unification,  —  Anglo- 
Saxon  features,  as  in  a  composite  picture,  dominating.  His- 
tory teaches  that  the  greatest  peoples  have  been  the  product 
of  the  commingling  of  races.  The  Divine  purpose  seems  to  be 
developing  on  this  continent  a  new  race,  blending  in  it  the 
best  elements  of  all  peoples,  a  race  which  already,  by  virtue  of 
its  many  component  elements,  feels  itself  akin  to  the  whole 
world,  which  has  more  than  any  other  the  spirit  of  true 
brotherhood,  and  a  keener  antipathy  to  caste  distinctions. 

—  Henry  L.  Morehouse. 

It  is  to  be  inferred  from  biological  truths  that  the  eventual 
mixture  of  the  allied  varieties  of  the  Aryan  race  will  produce 
a  more  powerful  type  of  man  than  has  hitherto  existed,  —  a 
type  more  plastic,  more  adaptable,  and  more  capable  of  under- 
standing the  modification  needful  for  complete  social  life;  and 
that,  whatever  tribulations  they  m£y  have  to  pass  through,  the 
Americans  may  reasonably  look  forward  to  a  time  when  they 
will  have  produced  a  civilization  grander  than  any  the  world 
has  known.  -  Herbert  Spencer. 

One  Native  Land  for  all : 

Ye  whose  forefathers  left  green  England,  yours ! 
Ye  who  have  come  from  greener  Ireland,  yours ! 
Brave  German  hearts,  this  is  your  native  land ; 
Yours,  also,  from  the  Mediterranean  coasts, 
Kindred  of  Lafayette  or  of  Cavour. 
But  most  yours  our  native  land,  who  came 


264  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

By  force,  to  Jamestown  or  to  Newport  brought, 

And  who  by  generations  of  long  toil, 

And  who  by  blood  of  war,  your  blood  and  ours, 

Have  bought  your  birthright  in  your  native  land. 

One  native  land,  and  indivisible, 

No  North,  South,  East,  or  West ;  all  one,  all  free ! 

—  William  Hayes  Ward. 


How  may  some  of  the  dangers  arising  from  Immi- 
gration be  averted  ? 

By  teaching  all,  especially  the  children,  to  be 
American  ;  to  speak  our  common  language ;  to  un- 
derstand and  love  liberty;  to  honor  the  flag;  to 
respect  the  government,  and  to  aid  in  strengthening 
and  perfecting  our  laws  and  institutions.  The  pride 
of  the  nation  is  in  its  children  and  youth ;  its  hope 
and  security  are  in  their  intelligence,  morality,  and 
patriotism. 

What  then  is  the  American,  this  new  man  ?  He  is  either 
an  European  or  the  descendant  of  an  European,  hence  that 
strange  mixture  of  blood  which  you  will  find  in  no  other 
country.  I  could  point  out  to  you  a  man  whose  grandfather 
was  an  Englishman,  whose  wife  was  Dutch,  whose  son  married 
a  French  woman,  and  whose  present  four  sons  have  now  four 
wives  of  different  nations.  He  is  an  American,  who,  leaving 
behind  him  all  his  ancient  prejudices  and  manners,  receives 
new  ones  from  the  new  mode  of  life  he  has  embraced,  the  new 
government  he  obeys,  and  the  new  rank  he  holds.  He  becomes 


POPULATION   AND   IMMIGRATION.  265 

an  American  by  being  received  in  the  broad  lap  of  our  great 
Alma  Mater.  —  J.  H.  St.  John  de  Crevecwur  (1782). 

Our  very  air  is  instinct  with  freedom.  Every  inhalation  on 
American  soil  is  fraught  with  American  ideas.  It  is  impos- 
sible for  sane  people  to  live  in  this  country  and  not  become 
Americans.  Whatever  prejudices  or  antipathies  some  may 
bring  with  them,  they  unconsciously  imbibe  the  American 
spirit,  and  a  few  years  suffice  to  win  them  irresistibly  to  our 
institutions.  —  Edmund  J.  Wolf. 

If  we  really  want  to  protect  ourselves  against  the  evils  which 
threaten  us ;  if  we  want  to  possess  our  souls  in  patience,  which, 
I  take  it,  is  the  first  duty  of  good  men  in  a  perverse  and 
fretful  generation ;  if  we  want  to  look  upon  things  around  us 
and  beyond,  not  with  indifference,  but  with  a  hopeful,  manly 
spirit ;  in  one  word,  —  if  we  desire  to  elevate  and  purify  the 
standard  of  personal  character,  which,  rather  than  chivalry,  I 
should  call  "  the  cheap  defense  of  nations,"  we  must  come  back 
to  the  sources  of  all  principle  and  all  virtue  —  to  the  Word 
of  God.  -  }\T fllf mn.  Allen  Butler. 

It  is  not  only  necessary  to  Americanize  the  immigrants  of 
foreign  birth  who  settle  among  us,  but  it  is  even  more  neces- 
sary  for  those  among  us  who  are  by  birth  and  descent  already 
Americans  not  to  throw  away  our  birthright,  and,  with  incred- 
ible and  contemptible  folly,  wander  Kirk  to  bow  down  before 
the  alien  gods  whom  our  forefathers  forsook.  It  is  hard  to 
believe  that  there  is  any  necessity  to  warn  Americans  that, 
when  they  seek  to  model  themselves  on  the  lines  of  other 
civilizations,  they  make  themselves  tlie  butts  of  all  right- 
thinking  men;  and  yet  the  necessity  certainly  exists  In  give 
this  warning  to  many  of  our  citizens  who  pride  themselves  on 


266  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

their  standing  in  the  world  of  art  and  letters,  or,  perchance, 
on  what  they  would  style  their  social  leadership  in  the  com- 
munity. We  Americans  can  only  do  our  allotted  task  well, 
if  we  face  it  steadily  and  bravely,  seeing  but  not  fearing 
the  dangers.  Above  all,  we  must  stand  shoulder  to  shoulder, 
not  asking  as  to  the  ancestry  or  creed  of  our  comrades,  but 
only  demanding  that  they  be  in  very  truth  Americans,  and 
that  we  all  work  together,  —  heart,  hand,  and  head,  —  for  the 
honor  and  the  greatness  of  our  common  country. 

—  Theodore  Roosevelt. 

A  refuge  for  the  wronged  and  poor, 

Thy  generous  heart  has  borne  the  blame 

That,  with  them,  through  thy  open  door, 
The  Old  World's  evil  outcasts  came. 

But,  with  thy  just  and  equal  rule, 

And  labor's  need  and  breadth  of  lands, 

Free  press  and  rostrum,  church  and  school, 
Thy  sure,  if  slow,  transforming  hands 

Shall  mold  even  them  to  thy  design, 

Making  a  blessing  of  the  ban ; 
And  freedom's  chemistry  combine 

The  alien  elements  of  man. 

—  John  G.  Whittier. 


Should  there  be  any  restriction  of  Immigration  f 

I/' Yes;  paupers,  convicts,  anarchists,  polygamists, 
and  those  who  are  sure  to  become  a  charge  upon 
the  public  are  properly  excluded.  Whenever  the 


POPULATION  AND   IMMIGRATION.  267, 

tide  of   immigration  becomes  too  large  for  assimi- 
lation, it  should  be  checked. 

The  following  classes  of  aliens,  without  regard  to  race,  are 
absolutely  debarred  from  landing  in  the  United  States,  and  if 
landed  through  fraud  or  inadvertence  they  may  be  summarily 
apprehended  and  returned  to  the  countries  from  which  they 
came. 

1.  Persons  under  contract,  express  or  implied,  to  perform 
labor  or  service  in  this  country,  with  certain  exceptions,  such 
as  artists,  members  of  professions,  domestic  servants,  and 
skilled  artisans  imported  for  employment  in  an  industry  not 
yet  established  in  the  United  States.  2.  Idiots.  3.  Insane 
persons.  4.  Paupers.  5.  Persons  likely  to  become  a  public 
charge.  6.  Persons  suffering  from  a  loathsome  or  a  danger- 
ous contagious  disease.  7.  Persons  who  have  been  convicted 
of  a  felony  or  other  infamous  crime  or  misdemeanor  involving 
"moral  turpitude."  8.  Polygamists.  9.  Persons  whose  pas- 
sage is  paid. by  other  than  relatives  or  family  friends. 

—  United  States  Revised  Statutes. 

While  for  many  reasons  the  prohibition  of  immigration 
would,  in  my  judgment,  be  an  act  of  the  greatest  folly,  yet 
I  am  none  the  less  convinced  that  our  government,  acting 
wisely,  is  justified  in  exercising,  —  nay,  more,  that  it  is  bound 
to  exercise,  —  a  wholesome  discrimination  against  undesirable 
immigrants.  Our  present  legislation  was  enacted  from  exactly 
that  standpoint;  and  if  the  present  laws  be  properly,  faith- 
fully," and  ably  executed,  they  will  suffice  for  a  considerable 
period.  There  is  no  present  need  of  another  change,  least  of 
all  for  an  un-American,  wholesale  discrimination  against  races, 
nationalities,  or  religious  creeds.  Some  races  or  nationalities 


268  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

may,  and  doubtless  do,  contain  a  much  larger  proportion  of 
undesirable  immigrants  than  others  —  undesirable  not  only 
within  the  express  terms  of  the  law,  but  also  by  reason  of 
lesser  aptitude  for  assimilation,  in  which  case  the  immigrants 
of  a  whole  race  or  nationality,  of  whom  a  very  large  propor- 
tion are  of  these  classes,  may  be  termed  undesirable.  But  let 
us  be  satisfied  to  exclude  the  individuals  who  are  undesirable, 
and  beware  of  generalizing.  —  Joseph  H.  Senner. 

We  do  not  wish  to  prohibit  immigration ;  but  our  laws 
should  be  rigidly  revised,  so  that  we  may  at  least  have  some 
voice  in  the  selection  of  our  guests.  We'  will  welcome,  as 
always,  all  patriots  fleeing  from  oppression,  all  who  will  con- 
tribute to  the  strength  of  our  government  and  the  develop- 
ment of  our  resources;  and  we  will  freely  grant  to  all  who 
become  citizens  equal  rights  and  privileges  under  the  laws,  but 
no  more.  There  is  room  in  this  country  for  only  one  flag,  and 
"  Old  Glory  "  must  head  the  procession  or  it  cannot  march. 

—  Elisha  Mulford. 

No  nation,  as  no  man,  has  a  right  to  take  possession  of  a 
choice  bit  of  God's  earth,  to  exclude  the  foreigner  from  its  ter- 
ritory, that  it  may  live  more  comfortably  and  be  a  little  more 
at  peace.  But  if  to  this  particular  nation  there  has  been  given 
the  development  of  a  certain  part  of  God's  earth  for  universal 
purposes ;  if  the  world,  in  the  great  march  of  centuries,  is 
going  to  be  richer  for  the  development  of  a  certain  national 
character,  built  up  by  a  larger  type  of  manhood  here,  then  for 
the  world's  sake,  for  the  sake  of  every  nation  that  would 
pour  in  upon  us  that  which  would  disturb  that  develop- 
ment, we  have  a  right  to  stand  guard  over  it. 

—  Phillips  Brooks. 


POPULATION   AND   IMMIGRATION.  269 

0  Liberty,  white  goddess !  is  it  well 
To  leave  the  gates  unguarded  ?     On  thy  breast 
Fold  sorrow's  children,  soothe  the  hurts  of  fate, 
Lift  the  down-trodden  ;  but  with  hand  of  steel 
Stay  those  who  to  thy  sacred  portals  come 
To  waste  the  gifts  of  freedom.     Have  a  care 
Lest  from  thy  brow  the  clustered  stars  be  torn 
And  trampled  in  the  dust.     For  so  of  old 
The  thronging  Goth  and  Vandal  trampled  Home, 
And  where  the  temples  of  the  Caesars  stood 
The  lean  wolf  unmolested  made  her  lair. 

-  Thomas  Bailey  Aldrich. 


Wha t  is  meant  by  Xntnntl ization  f 

All  native  born  Americans  become  citizens  upon 
arriving  at  age.  Foreigners  must  become  natural- 
ized by  forswearing  allegiance  to  their  native  coun- 
try and  taking  an  oath  of  fealty  to  the  United 
States.  Indians  become  citizens  by  adopting  civil- 
ized habits  and  taking  their  lands  in  severalty. 
Chinese  and  Japanese  cannot  be  naturalized,  but  their 
children  born  here  become  citizens. 

Naturalization  is  the  concession  by  the  sovereign  power  of 
a  state  of  the  rights  of  citizenship  to  an  alien.  This  conces- 
sion, when  complete,  clothes  the  alien  with  all  the  privileges, 
and  subjects  him  to  all  the  burdens  and  duties,  of  native  born 
subjects.  Among  civilized  nations,  the  right  is  conceded  upon 
the  performance  of  certain  prerequisite  conditions  laid  down 


270  PATKIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

by  the  country  of  adoption,  and  involves  the  renunciation,  by 
the  naturalized  person,  of  his  native  allegiance. 

—  George  W.  Green. 

When  a  man  is  born  into  this  Republic  by  naturalization, 
and  takes  the  oath  according  to  its  intent,  our  institutions 
receive  a  new  defender,  and  an  additional  element  of  strength. 
The  oath  of  naturalization  says  to  every  man  who  seeks  cit- 
izenship in  our  State:  You  must  subordinate  everything  to 
America.  There  is  nothing  here  but  Americanism,  and  you 
swear  that  there  shall  be  nothing  here  but  Americanism.  The 
oath  of  naturalization  says  to  every  man :  We  will  not  tolerate 
here  the  petty  differences  and  factions  of  the  old  fatherlands. 
Leave  them  behind.  We  demand  that  men  knocking  at  the 
gates  of  the  nation,  and  seeking  citizenship  in  this  Republic, 
shall  bring  to  us  simply  themselves.  The  oath  of  naturaliza- 
tion is  an  oath  of  purgation.  The  man  who  takes  it,  without 
mental  reservation,  and  swears  it  according  to  its  true  spirit 
and  import,  gives  up  every  allegiance  to  every  foreign  power, 
and  is  born  into  a  new  civil  life  —  a  life  of  absolute  loyalty  to 
the  corporate  personality  called  the  American  Republic. 

—  David  Gregg. 

We  know,  as  well  as  any  other  class  of  American  citizens, 
where  our  duties  belong.  We  will  work  for  our  country  in 
time  of  peace,  and  fight  for  it  in  time  of  war  —  if  a  time  of 
war  should  ever  come.  When  I  say  our  country  I  mean, 
of  course,  our  adopted  country.  I  mean  the  United  States  of 
America.  After  passing  through  the  crucible  of  naturalization, 
we  are  no  longer  Germans,  we  are  Americans.  America  first, 
last,  and  all  the  time.  America  against  Germany ;  America 
against  the  world ;  always  America.  We  are  Americans. 

— Ricliard  Guenther. 


CITIZENSHIP. 


THE     BALLOT. 


A  weapon  that  comes  down  as  still 

As  snow/lakes  fall  upon  the  sod; 
But  executes  a  freeman's  will, 

As  lightning  does  the  will  of  God. 

—  JOHN  PIERPONT. 


CITIZENSHIP. 


What  is  Citizenship  ? 

A  Citizen  is  a  member  of  a  political  community, 
who  is  entitled  to  its  protection  and  who  shares  in 
its  privileges.  Citizenship  is  the  state  or  condition 
of  being  a  citizen. 

All  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  and 
subject  to  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United 
States  and  of  the  state  wherein  they  reside. 

— Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

A  great  nation  is  made  only  by  Avorthy  citizens. 

—  Charles  Dudley  Warner. 

Whatever  one  may  claim  as  of  right  under  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  the  United  States  by  virtue  of  his  citizenship,  is  a 
privilege  of  a  citizen  of  the  United  States. 

—  Thomas  M.  Cooley. 

It  is  certain  that  in  the  education  that  was  given  at  Sparta, 
the  prime  purpose  was  to  train  Spartans.  It  is  thus  that  in 
every  state  the  purpose  should  be  to  enkindle  the  spirit  of 
citizenship.  —  Charles  P.  Dados. 

PAT.  CIT.  — 18  273 


274  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

It  is  demonstrable  that  the  founders  of  New  England  estab- 
lished its  school  system,  not  to  enable  men  to  earn  a  livelihood, 
but  to  qualify  them  for  citizenship ;  not  to  help  them  to  make 
money,  or  shine  in  professions,  or  to  become  skilled  mechanics, 
prudent  farmers,  bold  sailors,  shrewd  lawyers,  accurate  account- 
ants, but  to  be  capable  and  virtuous  members  of  the  body 
politic,  to  manage  wisely  public  affairs.  In  the  language  of 
Milton,  to  "perform  justly,  skillfully,  and  magnanimously  all 
the  offices  of  peace  and  war."  —  Homer  B.  Sprague. 

The  future  of  American  civilization,  and  with  it  the  future 
of  the  world's  civilization,  is  to  be  determined  not  by  the  influ- 
ence of  trade  alone,  but  by  the  influence  of  trade  joined  with 
the  influence  of  broad  intelligence,  humanitarian  sympathies 
and  unselfish  purposes.  The  highest  title  in  the  new  order  of 
nobility  will  be  neither  "  merchant "  nor  "  scholar,"  nor  yet 
"  gentleman  "  in  its  conventional  sense,  but  "  citizen  "  —  a  title 
rich  in  its  suggestion  of  public  spirit,  the  recognition  of  the 
claims  of  human  brotherhood,  the  merging  of  the  individual 
.into  the  higher  life  of  the  community,  of  the  Nation,  of  human- 
ity itself.  —  A.  V.  V.  Raymond. 


What  are  some  of  the  Privileges  of  American  Citi- 
zenship ? 

America  is  known  and  respected  the  world  over. 
Its  citizens,  if  molested,  can  appeal  to  American 
representatives  abroad  for  help;  its  passport  facili- 
tates travel  and  affords  protection.  At  home,  the 
citizen  is  entitled  to  the  fullest  enjoyment  of  his 


CITIZENSHIP.  275 

property,  his  freedom,  and  the  protection  of  his 
reputation.  If  wronged,  he  can  appeal  to  the  gov- 
ernment for  redress;  if  a  voter,  he  can  take  an 
active  part  in  the  election  of  officers ;  if  qualified, 
he  may  aspire  to  any  office. 

Protection  by  the  government;  the  enjoyment  of  life  and 
liberty,  with  the  right  to  acquire  and  possess  property  of  every 
kind,  and  to  pursue  and  obtain  happiness  and  safety,  subject, 
nevertheless,  to  such  restraints  as  the  government  may  justly 
prescribe  for  the  general  good  of  the  whole;  the  right  of  a 
citizen  of  one  state  to  pass  through  or  to  reside  in  any  other 
state  for  purposes  of  trade,  agriculture,  professional  pursuits, 
or  otherwise ;  to  claim  the  benefit  of  the  writ  of  habeas  curjms  ; 
to  institute  and  maintain  actions  of  any  kind  in  the  courts  of 
the  state;  to  take,  hold,  and  dispose  of  property,  either  real 
or  personal ;  and  an  exemption  from  higher  taxes  or  imposi- 
tions than  are  paid  by  the  other  citizens  of  the  state  may  be 
mentioned  as  some  of  the  particular  privileges  and  immuni- 
ties of  citizens  which  are  clearly  embraced  by  the  general 
description  of  privileges  deemed  to  be  fundamental. 

—  Bashrod  Washington. 

It  is  a  common  remark  that  the  citizenship  of  the  United 
States  is  a  greater  political  privilege  than  is  the  citizenship  of 
any  other  nation.  It  not  only  constitutes  its  possessor  a  con- 
stituent member  of  a  great  community,  gives  him  a  title  to  all 
the  civil  rights  asserted  and  secured  by  our  institutions,  and 
to  the  protection  of  the  government  at  home  and  abroad ;  but 
as  it  also  makes  him  a  citizen  of  the  state  wherein  he  may 
reside,  it  enables  him  to  participate  in  the  government  itself , 
Even  if  he  be  a  person  of  foreign  birth,  when  naturalized  he 


276  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

stands  on  the  same  plane  on  which  all  native  born  citizens 
stand,  except  that  he  cannot  be  President  or  Vice  President 
of  the  United  States.  He  may  have  a  voice  in  the  choice  of 
governmental  officers,  may  share  in  making  the  laws  of  the 
land,  and  in  administering  or  executing  them. 

—  William  Strong. 

Suffrage  means  a  vote  or  a  participation  in  government, 
and,  specifically,  the  privilege  of  voting  under  a  representa- 
tive government  upon  the  choice  of  officers,  and  upon  the 
adoption  or  rejection  of  fundamental  laws. 

—  James  F.  Colby. 

E'en  when  in  hostile  fields  he  bleeds  to  save  her, 

'Tis  not  his  blood  he  loses,  'tis  his  country's ; 

He  only  pays  her  back  a  debt  he  owes. 

To  her  he's  bound  for  birth  and  education, 

Her  laws  secure  him  from  domestic  feuds, 

And  from  the  foreign  foe  her  arms  protect  him. 

She  lends  him  honors,  dignity,  and  rank, 

His  wrongs  revenges,  and  his  merit  pays ; 

And,  like  a  tender  and  indulgent  mother, 

Loads  him  with  comforts,  and  would  make  his  state 

As  blessed  as  nature  and  the  gods  designed  it. 

—  William  Cowper. 


What  are  some  of  the  Duties  of  the  Citizen  ? 

Every  citizen  should  be  industrious,  and  self -sup- 
porting, so  as  not  to  become  a  burden  upon  the 
public.  He  should  pay  taxes  to  maintain  the  gov- 


CITIZENSHIP.  277 

eminent ;  should,  if  able,  contribute  voluntarily  for 
public  improvements ;  should  himself  obey  the  laws, 
and,  when  necessary,  assist  in  maintaining  order ; 
should  be  ready  to  perform  any  public  service  re- 
quired ;  should  cultivate  a  patriotic  spirit,  and  be 
willing  to  sacrifice  personal  advantage  and  party 
gain  to  the  public  good.  He  should  study  the  his- 
tory of  his  country  and  be  an  intelligent  reader  and 
close  observer  of  current  events. 

Be  a  pattern  to  others,  and  then  all  will  go  well ;  for  as  a 
whole  city  is  affected  by  the  licentious  passions  and  vices  of 
great  men,  so  it  is  likewise  reformed  by  their  moderation. 

—  Cicero. 

Study  the  history  and  Constitution  of  your  government; 
familiarize  yourself  with  the  principles  upon  which  it  was 
founded  ;  teach  them  to  your  children,  by  the  fireside  and  in 
the  public  schools;  guard  and  cherish  them  against  every 
assault,  open  or  covert ;  remember  that  freedom,  equal  rights, 
and  exact  justice  are  the  pillars  upon  which  the  whole  temple 
rests,  and  that  when  one  pillar  is  broken  the  edifice  will  fall. 

-  Orville  H.  Platt. 

In  order  to  understand  the  theory  of  the  American  Govern- 
ment, the  most  serious,  calm,  persistent  study  should  be  given 
to  the.  ^institution  of  the  United  States.  I  don't  mean  learn- 
ing it  by  heart,  committing  it  to  memory.  What  you  want  is 
to  understand  it,  to  know  the  principles  at  the  bottom  of  it;  to 
feel  the  impulse  of  it;  to  feel  the  heart-beat  that  thrills  through 
the  whole  American  people.  That  is  the  vitality  that  is  worth 


278  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

* 

knowing ;  that  is  the  sort  of  politics  that  excels  all  the  mysteries 
of  ward  elections,  and  lifts  you  up  into  a  view  where  you  can 
see  the  clear  skies,  the  unknown  expanse  of  the  future. 

—  Charles  A.  Dana. 

The  ideal  citizen  is  the  man  who  believes  that  all  men  are 
brothers,  and  that  the  nation  is  merely  an  extension  of  his 
family,  to  be  loved,  respected,  and  cared  for  accordingly. 
Such  a  man  attends  personally  to  all  civic  duties  with  which 
he  deems  himself  charged.  Those  which  are  within  his  own 
control  he  would  no  more  trust  to  his  inferiors  than  he  would 
leave  the  education  of  his  children  to  kitchen  servants.  The 
public  demands  upon  his  time,  thought,  and  money,  come  upon 
him  suddenly,  and  often  they  find  him  ill-prepared;  but  he 
nerves  himself  to  the  inevitable,  knowing  that  in  the  village, 
state,  and  nation,  any  mistake  or  neglect  upon  his  part  must 
impose  a  penalty,  sooner  or  later,  upon  those  whom  he  loves. 

—  John  Habberton. 

Few  people  have  the  leisure  to  undertake  a  systematic  and 
thorough  study  of  history,  but  every  one  ought  to  find  time  to 
learn  the  principal  features  of  the  governments  under  which 
we  live  and  to  get  some  inkling  of  the  way  in  which  these 
governments  have  come  into  existence,  and  of  the  causes  which 
have  made  them  what  they  are.  —  John  Fiske. 


I     Why  should  Taxes  be  honestly  and  cheer/idly  paid  ? 

Government  exists  for  the  benefit  of  the  people  ; 
it  protects  them  in  their  life,  person,  and  property. 
It  levies  taxes  for  the  erection  of  public  buildings, 


CITIZENSHIP.  279 

the  maintenance  of  public  highways,  the  support  of 
schools,  the  expenses  of  the  police  and  fire  depart- 
ments and  the  courts  of  law,  the  payment  of  salaries 

of  public  officials,  etc. 
i 

If  we  live  in  any  country  not  wholly  barbarous,  we  cannot 
escape  tax,  and  it  is  the  fate  of  man  to  bear  his  proportion  of 
its  burdens  in  proportion  to  his  expense,  property,  and  con- 
sumption. —  David  A.  Wells. 

By  what  right  does  the  government  annually  take  a  small 
portion  of  each  person's  property  ?  The  right  may  be  said  to 
grow  out  of  the  necessity  for  the  maintenance  of  an  orderly 
condition  of  society.  Schools  must  be  supported,  highways 
and  bridges  must  be  built  and  repaired;  legislative  bodies 
must  meet  to  enact  laws,  and  executive  officers  must  see  to 
their  execution.  The  courts  must  be  open  for  the  relief  of 
wrongs  and  the  punishment  of  the  vicious ;  the  militia  must  be 
enrolled,  armed,  and  trained ;  reformatories,  jails,  and  prisons 
must  be  built  and  maintained  for  the  restraint  of  criminals ; 
and  almshouses,  asylums,  and  hospitals  opened  for  the  unfortu- 
nate, the  incapable,  and  the  poor.  — M.  B.  O.  True. 

Every  one  owes  it  to  himself  to  contribute  his  full  share  to 
the  common  possessions  of  men  —  material,  intellectual,  and 
moral.  Society  always  is  what  the  individuals  composing  it 
make  it ;  and  in  return,  every  individual,  to  become  the  best 
he  is  capable  of,  must  depend  011  society.  From  society  he 
draws  back  with  compound  interest  all  he  can  give  it.  But 
society  owes  him  not  a  farthing  except  in  return  for  what  he 
has  first  given.  It  owes  no  mortal  a  living  who  has  not  first 
earned  his  living  by  contributing  to  the  common  store.  If  it 


280  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

saves  the  indolent  from  starving,  it  does  so  solely  as  a  gratuity. 
If  any  one  would  make  the  world  his  debtor,  he  must  make  it 
the  richer  for  his  having  been  in  it.  —  Ezekiel  G.  Robinson. 

In  a  representative  republican  government,  such  as  that  of 
the  United  States  and  those  of  the  several  states,  there  is  one 
simple  general  rule  in  regard  to  the  use  of  the  money  raised 
by  taxation  from  the  community.  It  is  that  it  should  be  em- 
ployed for  those  purposes  only  which  are  of  general  necessity 
or  of  supreme  utility,  and  which  can  be  attained  by  the  state 
only,  or  by  the  state  to  a  degree  or  in  a  way  very  far  superior 
to  those  of  private  effort.  —  Edward  Gary. 


Upon  whom  rests  the  chief  responsibility  for  the 
character  of  the  Government  ? 

The  chief  responsibility  rests  upon  the  voters,  who 
choose  the  lawmakers  and  other  officers.  Voters  are 
the  real  people,  the  actual  sovereigns,  the  uncrowned 
kings  who  rule  the  nation.  Voters  are  generally 
male  citizens  over  twenty-one  years  of  age ;  in  Wyo- 
ming and  Colorado  women  vote  on  all  questions,  while 
in  some  other  states  they  vote  on  school  questions,  or 
in  municipal  elections. 

All  persons  possessing  any  portion  of  power  ought  to  be 
strongly  and  awfully  impressed  with  an  idea  that  they  act  in 
trust,  and  that  they  are  to  account  for  their  conduct  in  that 
trust  to  the  one  great  Master,  Author,  and  Founder  of  society. 

—  Edmund  Burke. 

Whatever  we  would  do  for  our  country,  must  be  done  for 


CITIZENSHIP.  281 

the  people.  Great  results  can  never  be  effected  in  any  other 
way.  Specially  is  this  the  case  under  a  republican  constitu- 
tion. Here  the  people  are  not  only  the  real,  but  the  acknowl- 
edged, fountain  of  all  authority.  They  make  the  laws,  and 
they  control  the  execution  of  them.  They  direct  the  senate, 
they  overawe  the  cabinet,  and  hence,  it  is  the  moral  and  intel- 
lectual character  of  the  people,  which  must  give  to  the  "  very 
age  and  body  of  our  institutions  their  form  and  pressure." 

—  Francis  Wayland. 

In  America  the  supreme  law-making  power  resides  in  the 
people.  Whatever  they  enact  binds  all  courts  whatsoever. 
All  other  law-making  bodies  must  conform  to  the  supreme 
law,  else  they  will  perish  at  its  touch,  as  a  fishing  smack  goes 
down  before  an  ocean  steamer.  —  James  Bryce. 

Sovereignty  in  the  literal  sense  of  the  word  means  suprem- 
acy. It  cannot  exist  unless  supreme.  Hence  the  constitutions 
and  laws  of  the  people,  their  governors  and  legislators  are 
not  sovereign.  These  cannot  be  supreme  since  they  can  be 
changed  or  unchanged,  made  or  unmade,  by  the  people's  will. 
The  history  of  the  United  States  is  conspicuously  other  than 
the  history  of  its  great  men.  Our  great  leaders  have  not 
molded,  but  have  been  shaped  by  the  public  opinion  of  the 
nation.  They  have  been  trusted  and  followed  only  as  they 
have  been  able  to  see  the  real  movement  of  the  people  and  to 
put  themselves  in  its  van.  Whenever  the  movement  of  the 
people  has  been  real  and  deep,  it  has  been  resistless.  Men 
who  have  sought  to  stem  it  have  been  swept  away  or  engulfed 
by  the  rising  tide.  The  great  changes  in  the  national  life  have 
been  brought  about  by  what  we  can  only  call  the  instinct  or 
the  inspiration  of  the  people.  —  Julius  H.  Seelye. 


282  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

What  is  the  Duty  of  Voters  f 

If  possible,  every  voter  should  study  the  questions  to 
be  voted  upon,  should  form  an  intelligent  opinion  of 
the  candidates  and  their  principles,  and  then  fearlessly 
vote  as  he  believes,  —  intelligently,  independently, 
conscientiously.  He  should  scorn  bribery  as  a  crime, 
and  insist  upon  exercising  his  right  to  vote,  against 
any  opposition.  It  is  the  citizen's  highest  privilege, 
an  act  of  sovereignty,  an  expression  of  his  will  or 
choice.  If  he  is  hindered  from  voting  freely,  or,  if 
his  vote  is  not  honestly  counted,  he  is  deprived  of 
his  prerogative  as  a  citizen ;  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciple of  the  Republic  is  violated ;  force  is  substituted 
for  freedom.  The  man  who  sells  his  vote  is  a  traitor ; 
he  who  is  kept  from  voting  by  fear  is  a  coward. 

The  three  great  menaces  to  our  institutions  are  corruption, 
violence,  and  indifference,  affecting  the  ballot.  To  the  two 
former,  public  discussions  show  that  we  are  alive.  The  last, 
however,  is  more  insidious  and  not  less  alarming.  In  some  of 
the  older  communities,  notably  in  the  great  cities,  a  large  and 
growing  class  neglect  all  political  duties.  Some  think  them- 
selves too  busy,  some  affect  a  lofty  contempt  for  all  public 
affairs,  while  others,  like  Gallic,  "care  for  none  of  these 
things."  Such  men  are  no  more  honest  or  patriotic  than  he 
who  unworthily  avoids  any  other  debt  or  duty.  They  have 
apparently  no  conception  of  their  obligations  as  citizens,  and 
are  unworthy  of  their  high  privileges.  The  man  who  won't 
do  his  part  in  public  affairs,  who  won't  vote,  ought  to  be  dis- 


CITIZENSHIP.  283 

franchisee!.  If  compulsory  education  is  right,  why  not  com- 
pulsory suffrage  ?  Let  the  man  who,  without  good  excuse, 
fails  to  vote,  be  deprived  of  the  right  to  vote.  "Blessings 
brighten  as  they  take  their  flight."  -  W.  H.  H.  Miller. 

There  is  no  privilege  without  a  corresponding  responsibility. 
The  ballot  suggests  not  merely  that  a  man  may  exercise  his 
franchise,  but  that  he  must  do  so.  This  bit  of  paper  is  a  token 
of  a  freeman's  sovereignty,  and  he  has  no  more  right  to 
ignore  or  decline  its  responsibilities  than  Queen  Victoria  would 
have  to  cast  down  her  scepter  in  a  pettish  humor  and  refuse 
to  govern  her  realm.  One  of  the  great  evils  of  our  time  is 
"class  secession; "  the  withdrawal  of  a  considerable  class  from 
the  exercise  of  citizenship.  The  right  to  vote  involves  a  cor- 
responding duty  which  no  true  citizen  will  regard  with  indif- 
ference. —  David  J.  Burrell. 

By  the  words  public  duty,  I  do  not  necessarily  mean  official 
duty,  though  it  may  include  that.  I  mean  simply  that  con- 
stant and  active  practical  participation  in  the  details  of  poli- 
tics, without  which  the  conduct  of  public  affairs  falls  into  the 
control  of  selfish  and  ignorant,  venal  and  crafty  men.  I  mean 
that  personal  attention,  —  which,  as  it  must  be  incessant,  is 
often  wearisome  and  often  repulsive,  —  to  the  details  of  poli- 
ties: attendance  at  meetings,  service  on  committees,  care  and 
trouble  and  expense  of  many  kinds,  patient  endurance,  cha- 
grins, ridicules,  all  those  duties  and  services  which,  when 
selfishly  and  meanly  performed,  stigmatize  man  as  a  mere 
politician ;  but  whose  constant,  honorable,  intelligent,  and  vigi- 
lant performance  is  the  gradual  building,  stone  by  stone  and 
layer  by  layer,  of  that  great  temple  of  self-restrained  liberty 
\vhirh  generous  souls  mean  that  our  Government  shall  be. 

—  George  W.  Curtis. 


284  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

Define  the  Ballot. 

The  ballot  is  a  slip  of  paper  on  which  is  written  or 
printed  the  name  of  the  candidate  or  candidates  to 
be  voted  for  at  an  election.  The  ballots  are  de- 
posited personally  by  the  voter  in  the  ballot  box, 
from  which  they  are  taken  by  officers  and  counted, 
in  order  to  ascertain  who  has  been  elected.  Votes 
may  be  registered  by  machinery. 

Ballot,  from  the  Greek  ballein,  to  cast  or  throw,  a  method  of 
voting  designed  to  secure  secrecy,  as  distinguished  from  the 
open  or  viva  voce  vote.  The  ballot  is  as  old  as  the  fifth  cen- 
tury B.C.,  when  it  was  used  in  Athens,  and  we  know  not  how 
much  older.  —  Ainswortli  R.  Spofford. 

In  America,  the  written  ballot  first  appears  in  the  election 
of  a  minister  for  the  Salem  (Massachusetts)  Church  in  1629. 
The  next  appearance  of  the  written  ballot  is  in  the  election 
of  a  governor  for  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay  in  1634. 
By  the  famous  Constitution  of  1639,  it  was  introduced  as  an 
integral  feature  of  the  political  system  of  Connecticut,  and, 
once  introduced,  Avas  never  lost.  In  Rhode  Island,  too,  it  found 
a  lodgment,  with  the  formal  organization  of  the  government 
in  1647.  Its  next  appearance  was  in  West  Jersey,  in  1676-77 ; 
and  its  last  appearance  in  the  colonial  records  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  is  in  Penn's  "  Frame  of  Government  "  for  Penn- 
sylvania, in  1683.  —Douglas  Campbell. 

So  much  progress  has  been  made  by  the  enactment  of  the 
Australian  ballot  laws  that,  true  as  it  is  that  the  great  need  of 


CITIZENSHIP.  285 

all  democratic  communities  is  the  constant  and  active  partici- 
pation of  good  citizens  in  public  life,  still  one  must  not  despise 
improvements  in  machinery,  and  those  especially  which  give 
the  good  citizens  an  easier  access  to  public  works,  and  all 
citizens  better  means  of  judging  who  is  to  blame  for  what  is 
done  wrong.  —  James  Bryce. 

The  proudest  now  is  but  my  peer, 

The  highest  not  more  high; 
To-day  of  all  the  weary  year, 

A  king  of  men  am  I. 
To-day,  alike  are  great  and  small, 

The  nameless  and  the  known ; 
My  palace  is  the  people's  hall, 

The  ballot-box  my  throne ! 

While  there's  a  grief  to  seek  redress, 

Or  balance  to  adjust, 
When-  wrighs  our  living  manhood  less 

Than  Mammon's  vilest  dust,— 
While  there's  a  right  to  need  my  vote, 

A  wrong  to  sweep  away, 
Up !  clouted  knee  and  ragged  coat ! 

A  man's  a  man  to-day. 

—  John  G.  Whittier. 


What  should  be  the  character  of  our  Elections  f 

There  should  be  a  full  and  free  opportunity  for  all 
to  vote  who  are  entitled  to  do  so,  a  rigid  exclusion 
of  all  illegal  ballots,  an  accurate  count,  and  an  hon- 


'^HS 


286  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

est  report  of  the  result.  The  ballot  is  intended  to 
represent  the  free,  intelligent,  honest  will  of  the  peo- 
ple. If  those  who  are  entitled  to  vote  are  deceived 
in  casting  their  ballots ;  if  they  are  bribed ;  if  they 
are  induced  to  withhold  their  ballots ;  if  men  are 
allowed  to  vote  who  have  no  right  to  do  so,  or  are 
permitted  to  cast  more  than  one  ballot ;  if  fraudu- 
lent ballots  are  secreted  in  the  ballot  box ;  if  votes 
are  illegally  rejected,  miscounted,  or  incorrectly  re- 
ported, the  sanctity  of  the  ballot  box  is  violated,  the 
election  is  unfair,  a  great  wrong  is  perpetrated. 

Frauds  upon  the  ballot  box  should  be  ranked  among  the 
worst  of  crimes  against  republican  government.  The  secrecy 
and  the  sacredness  of  the  ballot  should  be  maintained  at  what- 
ever cost.  The  more  free  the  people,  the  more  carefully  will 
the  secret  ballot  be  guarded,  as  the  best  guarantee  of  personal 
independence.  — Amsworth  R.  /Spqffbrd. 

The  man  who  would  poison  the  wells  and  springs  of  the 
land  is  justly  regarded  as  a  human  monster,  as  an  enemy  to 
society,  and  no  punishment  could  be  too  severe  for  him.  Is 
not  he  a  greater  criminal  who  would  poison  and  pollute  the 
ballot  box,  the  unfailing  font  and  wellspring  of  our  civil  free- 
dom and  our  national  life  ?  —  James  Gibbons. 

History  and  observation  will  inform  us  that  elections  of 
every  kind,  in  the  present  state  of  human  nature,  are  too  fre- 
quently brought  about  by  influence,  partiality,  and  artifice ; 
and  even  where  the  case  is  otherwise,  these  practices  will  be 
often  suspected,  and  as  constantly  charged  upon  the  successful, 


CITIZENSHIP.  287 

by  a  splenetic  disappointed  minority.  This  is  an  evil  to  which 
all  societies  are  liable ;  as  well  those  of  a  private  and  domestic 
kind,  as  the  great  community  of  the  public  which  regulates 
and  includes  the  rest.  —  William  Blackstone. 

The  disfranchisement  of  a  single  elector  by  fraud  or  intimi- 
dation is  a  crime  too  grave  to  be  regarded  lightly.  The  right 
of  every  qualified  elector  to  cast  one  free  ballot  and  to  have  it 
honestly  counted  must  not  be  questioned.  Every  constitutional 
power  should  be  used  to  make  this  right  secure  and  to  punish 
frauds  upon  the  ballot.  —  Benjamin  Harrison. 


What  is  meant  by  Politics  ? 

Politics  is  the  science  of  government.    It  includes  a 
consideration  of  all  questions  relating  to  taxes,  roads,  ^ 
schools,  courts,  public  officials  and  their  duties, — in 
short,  everything  pertaining  to  secular  affairs. 

The  conscious  life  of  the  state,  the  guidance  of  the  state  and 
the  influencing  of  the  affairs  of  the  state,  that  is,  conscious 
political  practice,  is  what  we  call  politics.  Men  who  by  their 
office  or  their  calling  take  a  prominent  part  in  this  practice  and 
in  the  influencing  of  the  affairs  of  the  state,  we  may  designate 
as  political  men.  The  honorable  and  dignified  name  of  states- 
man is  given  only  to  those  rare  men  who  distinguish  them- 
selves as  guides  and  leaders  among  politicians.  The  science  of 
this  political  practice  we  also  characterize  as  politics. 

—  Joliann  K.  BluntschlL 

What  I  wish  first  of  all  to  insist  upon  is  the  essential  worth, 
nobility,  primacy  indeed,  of  the  liberal  pursuit  of  politics.  It 


288  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

is  simply  the  highest,  the  most  dignified,  the  most  important 
of  all  earthly  objects  of  human  study.  Next  to  the  relation 
of  man  to  his  Maker,  there  is  nothing  so  deserving  his  best 
attention  as  his  relation  to  his  fellowmen.  The  welfare  of  the 
community  is  always  more  important  than  the  welfare  of  any 
individual,  or  number  of  individuals;  and  the  welfare  of  the 
community  is  the  highest  object  of  the  science  of  politics. 
The  course  and  current  of  men  in  masses  —  that  is  the  most 
exalted  of  human  studies,  and  that  is  the  study  of  the 
politician.  To  help  individuals  is  the  business  of  the  learned 
professions.  To  do  the  same  for  communities  is  the  business 
of  politics.  To  aid  in  developing  a  single  career  may  task  the 
best  efforts  of  a  teacher.  To  shape  the  policy  of  the  nation,  to 
fix  the  fate  of  generations  —  is  not  this  as  much  higher  as  the 
heavens  are  high  above  the  earth  ?  Make  the  actual  politician 
as  despicable  as  you  may,  but  the  business  of  politics  remains 
the  highest  of  human  concerns.  —  Whitelaw  Reid. 


What  is  the  necessity  for  Political  Parties  ? 

People  who  think  alike  on  political  questions  very 
naturally  unite  to  secure  the  triumph  of  their  princi- 
ples. Parties  are  essential ;  when  organized  for  the 
promulgation  of  sound  doctrine,  and  managed  hon- 
estly, they  promote  the  public  good ;  when  they 
advocate  false  principles  or  use  corrupt  methods, 
they  are  dangerous. 

Men  have  differed  in  opinion,  and  been  divided  into  parties 
by  these  opinions,  from  the  first  origin  of  societies,  and  in  all 


CITIZENSHIP.  289 

governments  where  they  have  been  permitted  freely  to  think 
and  to  speak.  —  Thomas  Jefferson. 

Party  has  no  doubt  its  evils ;  but  all  the  evils  of  party  put 
together  would  be  scarcely  a  grain  in  the  balance  when  com- 
pared to  the  dissolution  of  honorable  friendships,  the  pursuit 
of  selfish  ends,  the  want  of  concert  in  council,  the  absence  of 
a  settled  policy  in  foreign  affairs,  the  corruption  of  separate 
statesmen.  — John  Russell. 

The  spirit  and  force  of  party  has  in  America  been  as  essen- 
tial to  the  action  of  the  machinery  of  government  as  steam  is  to 
a  locomotive  engine ;  or,  to  vary  the  simile,  party  association 
and  organization  are  to  the  organs  of  government  almost  what 
the  motor  nerves  are  to  the  muscles,  sinews,  and  bones  of  the 
human  body.  They  transmit  the  motive  power ;  they  determine 
the  directions  in  which  the  organs  act.  —  James  Bryce. 

We  reach  the  wider  field  of  politics  and  shape  the  national 
policy  through  the  town  meeting  and  the  party  caucus.  They 
should  neither  be  despised  nor  avoided,  but  made  potent  in 
securing  the  best  agents  for  executing  the  popular  will.  The 
vafluence  which  goes  forth  from  the  township  and  precinct 
meetings  is  felt  in  state  and  national  legislation,  and  is  at 
last  embodied  in  the  permanent  forms  of  law  and  written  con- 
stitutions. I  cannot  too  earnestly  invite  you  to  the  closest 
personal  attention  to  party  and  political  caucuses  and  the  pri- 
mary meetings  of  your  respective  parties.  They  constitute 
that  which  goes  to  make  up  at  last  the  popular  will.  They 
lie  at  the  basis  of  all  true  reform.  It  will  not  do  to  hold  your- 
self aloof  from  politics  and  parties.  If  the  party  is  wrong, 
make  it  better;  that's  the  business  of  the  true  partisan  and 
good  citizen.  —  William  McKinley. 

PAT.  CIT.—  19 


290  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

Define  Demagogism. 

Demagogism  is  the  perversion  of  one's  influence 
over  the  people  to  base  or  selfish  ends.  Every  one 
who  has  influence  over  others  should  exercise  that 
influence  for  the  highest  purposes  ;  political  influence 
should  be  used  to  promote  the  peace  and  prosperity 
of  the  people,  the  improvement  of  the  laws,  and  the 
advance  of  civilization.  A  great  leader  should  be  a 
great  public  benefactor. 

I  never  could  believe  that  Providence  had  sent  a  few  men 
into  the  world,  ready  booted  and  spurred  to  ride,  and  millions 

ready  saddled  and  bridled  to  be  ridden. 

—  Richard  Rumbold. 

What  we  need  most  in  this  great  Republic  of  republics  is  to 
study  with  earnest  diligence  the  principles  of  our  free  institu- 
tions ;  to  hold  him  an  enemy  to  the  country  who  derides  fidel- 
ity to  the  Constitution  and  trifles  with  his  solemn  obligation 
to  uphold  it ;  who  would  use  the  power  of  the  government  to 
promote  personal  or  party  ends ;  who  stirs  up  the  bitterness  of 
buried  strifes,  and  engenders  sectional  or  class  conflicts  among 
the  people  of  the  Union ;  and  who  does  not  hold  it  to  be  his 
best  and  noblest  civil  duty  to  uphold  and  defend  the  Constitu- 
tion, in  all  its  integrity,  against  all  the  temptations  to  its  vio- 
lation by  the  corrupting  influences  which  surround  us. 

—  John  R.  Tucker. 

In  a  Ring  there  is  usually  some  one  person  who  holds  more 
strings  in  his  hand  than  do  the  others.  Like  them,  he  has 
worked  himself  up  to  power  from  small  beginnings,  gradually 


CITIZENSHIP.  291 

extending  the  range  of  his  influence  over  the  mass  of  workers, 
and  knitting  close  bonds  with  influential  men  outside  as  well 
as  inside  politics;  perhaps  with  great  financiers  or  railway 
magnates,  whom  he  can  oblige,  and  who  can  furnish  him  with 
funds.  At  length  his  superior  skill,  courage,  and  force  of  will 
make  him,  as  such  gifts  always  do  make  their  possessor,  dom- 
inant among  his  fellows.  An  army  led  by  a  council  seldom 
conquers :  it  must  have  a  Commander-in-chief,  who  settles  dis- 
putes, decides  in  emergencies,  inspires  fear  or  attachment. 
The  head  of  the  Ring  is  such  a  general.  He  dispenses  place, 
rewards  the  loyal,  punishes  the  mutinous,  concocts  schemes, 
negotiates  treaties.  He  generally  avoids  publicity,  preferring 
the  substance  to  the  pomp  of  power,  and  is  all  the  more  dan- 
gerous because  he  sits,  like  a  spider,  hidden  in  the  midst  of  his 
web.  He  is  a  Boss.  —  James  Bryce. 


What  is  meant  by  Civil  Service  Reform  f 

It  is  an  effort  to  have  the  great  body  of  govern- 
ment employes  appointed  to  office,  not  as  a  reward 
for  political  service,  but  because  of  their  fitness  for"' 
the  service  required,  and  to  have  their  tenure  of  office 
depend  upon  their  efficiency. 

Government  is  a  trust,  and  the  officers  of  the  government 
are  trustees ;  and  both  the  trust  and  the  trustees  are  created 
for  the  benefit  of  the  people.  —  Henry  Clay. 

In  its  general  and  most  comprehensive  sense,  .civil  service 
reform  means  the  removal  of  abuses  in  the  public  service,  — 


292  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

federal,  state,  and  municipal.  —  and  the  enforcement  therein  of 
such  just  and  sound  principles  and  methods  as  will  most  con- 
tribute to  good  administration.  Public  office  is  a  public  trust. 

—  Dorman  B.  Eaton. 

I  would  have  the  President  keep  the  offices  of  the  govern- 
ment above  the  reach  of  the  flatterer  and  the  demagogue, 
never  bestow  them  as  rewards  for  mere  party  service,  and 
bring  to  his  aid  in  the  other  trusts  of  the  government  the 
soundest  patriotism,  the  most  elevated  and  various  intellect, 
the  most  enlarged  capacity  that  his  country  affords. 

—  L.  McLane. 

The  essential  principle  of  civil  service  reform  lies  in  the 
claim  that  appointive  offices  of  the  United  States,  with  a  very 
few  exceptions,  are  not  concerned  with  the  carrying  out  of  any 
distinctive  party  policy,  but  with  the  execution  of  work  that 
should  go  quietly  and  uninterruptedly  on  through  whatever 
changes  of  administration  may  occur.  These  offices  relate  to 
the  intelligent  and  faithful  performance  of  business  only, — 
business  with  which  the  people  as  a  whole,  and  not  considered 
in  the  subdivisions  of  their  party  relations,  have  an  undivided 
interest.  To  use  such  offices  for  any  other  purpose  than  this 
specific  one,  —  to  use  them,  and  the  salaries  attached  to  them, 
for  the  benefit  of  a  party,  for  the  payment  of  personal  or  party 
debts,  —  is  an  abuse  of  trust  and  essentially  dishonest  in  prin- 
ciple. Madison  declared  that  the  President  who  effected  the 
removal  of  the  incumbent  of  a  non-political  office  for  party 
reasons  should  be  impeached.  Washington  regulated  his 
official  conduct  with  the  strictest  regard  to  the  principles  of 
civil  service  reform,  as  did  Jefferson  very  largely,  and  John 
Quincy  Adams  wholly.  There  was  a  general  recognition  of 


CITIZENSHIP.  293 

the  vital  importance  of  the  principle  by  all  our  earli  r 
statesmen  of  standing,  until  Andrew  Jackson  overturned 
the  tradition  of  the  fathers,  and  established  that  rule  of 
spoils  which  has  done  so  much  to  debauch  American  poli- 
tics, and  which  Abraham  Lincoln  declared  to  be  a  more  dan- 
gerous enemy  to  the  Republic  than  the  rebellion. 

-Herbert  Welsh. 

In  1883  the  civil  service  law  was  established  at  Washington 
and  in  the  larger  post  offices  and  customhouses  throughout  the 
country,  taking  in  a  total  of  some  fourteen  thousand  employes. 
The  great  extensions  since  have  all  taken  place  during  the  last 
six  years,  a  period  which  happens  to  include  my  own  term  of 
service  with  the  Commission,  so  that  I  write  of  them  at  first 
hand.  In  1889  the  railway  mail  service  was  added,  in  1893  all 
the  free  delivery  post  offices,  and  in  1894  all  the  smaller  custom- 
houses and  the  internal  revenue  service.  Other  important  but 
smaller  extensions  have  been  made,  and  the  larger  offices  have 
grown,  so  that  now  about  fifty  thousand  employes  are  under 
the  protection  of  the  law.  There  are,  of  course,  and  there 
always  must  be  in  a  body  so  large,  individual  cases  where  the 
law  is  evaded,  or  even  violated ;  and  as  yet  we  do  not  touch 
the  question  of  promotions  and  reductions.  But,  speaking 
broadly,  and  with  due  allowance  for  such  comparatively  slight 
exceptions,  these  fifty  thousand  places  are  now  taken  out  of 
the  political  arena.  Those  holding  them  no  longer  keep  their 
political  life  by  the  frail  tenure  of  service  to  the  party  boss 
and  the  party  machine.  They  stand  as  American  citizens  and 
are  allowed  the  privilege  of  earning  their  own  bread  without 
molestation,  so  long  as  they  faithfully  serve  the  public. 

—  Theodore  Roosevelt. 


294  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

What  are  the  remedies  for  misrule  in  our  Republic  ? 

Public  criticism  often  suffices  to  bring  about  im- 
provement in  administration ;  agitation  is  a  lever 
of  reform. 

Public  officials  who  are  not  amenable  to  public 
opinion  may  be  displaced  and  others  elected  ;  the 
ballot  is  the  effective  instrument  of  peaceful  revolu- 
tion. 

Bad  laws  may  be  changed  or  repealed,  and  better 
ones  enacted  at  the  will  of  the  majority ;  the  people 
rule. 

Even  constitutions  may  be  altered  by  the  will 
of  the  people.  Ballots  have  supplanted  bullets  in 
winning  the  victories  of  liberty.  No  intelligent, 
free,  virtuous,  brave  people  need  to  submit  to  unjust 
or  unwise  laws.  The  way  to  secure  good  government 

is  to  elect  good  men  to  office. 

* 
Publicity  is  allied  to  light,  and  favors  virtue. 

—  John  Bascom. 

Be  patient  with  the  wrongs  that  arise  occasionally,  with 
this  drifting  at  times  toward  some  heresy.  The  great  jury  of 
our  people  has  to  consider  these  things.  The  thousands  of 
newspapers  will  gradually  give  all  the  argument  on  both  sides, 
and  the  intelligence  of  the  people  will  soon  find  out  which  is 
the  right  side.  A  mistake  may  occur  for  a  month  or  a  year, 
but  before  it  is  finally  adopted  the  great  verdict  will  be  that 
which  is  right.  — Joseph  R.  Hawley. 


CITIZENSHIP.  295 

The  history  of  this  country  has  abundantly  shown  that 
when  the  conscience  of  the  American  people  is  aroused,  it  is 
the  most  potent  factor  in  American  politics,  defeating  and 
bringing  to  shame  the  cunningly  devised  schemes  of  politicians 
that  disregard  or  condemn  it.  —  Lyman  Abbott. 

Respect  for  the  authority  of  the  government,  compliance 
with  its  laws,  acquiescence  in  its  measures,  are  duties  enjoined 
by  the  fundamental  maxims  of  true  liberty.  The  basis  of  our 
political  systems  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  make  and  to  alter 
their  constitutions  of  government.  But  the  constitution  which 
at  any  time  exists,  till  changed  by  an  explicit  and  authentic 
act  of  the  whole  people,  is  sacredly  obligatory  upon  all.  The 
very  idea  of  the  power  and  the  right  of  the  people  to  establish 
government,  presupposes  the  duty  of  every  individual  to  obey 
the  established  government.  —  George  Washington. 


What  is  the  especial  heritage  of  American  youth 
of  to-day? 

The  blessings  of  liberty,  which  cost  their  ancestors 
so  much,  are  theirs  by  inheritance. 

They  are  heirs  to  vast  accumulations  of  wealth ; 
every  child  may  share  in  the  advantage  of  the  roads, 
railways,  public  buildings,  parks,  galleries,  museums, 
libraries,  labor-saving  machinery,  inventions,  and  gen- 
eral prosperity,  which  are  the  results  of  past  toil. 

They  inherit  great  opportunities  for  education, 
travel,  employment,  usefulness,  and  happiness. 


296  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

They  are  especially  favored  in  the  heritage  of 
knowledge,  ideas,  and  the  general  spirit  of  indus- 
trial, social,  economic,  and  political  philosophy,  that 
constitute  the  true  wealth  of  the  country. 

The  heritage  of  American  youth,  —  the  true  meaning  and 
priceless  boon  of  democratic  institutions, — is  equal  opportu- 
nity in  a  land  of  equal  rights.  -  William  L.  Wilson. 

Liberty  has  been  bought  with  a  great  price.  Trace  it  along 
the  centuries ;  mark  the  prisons  where  captives  for  it  pined ; 
mark  the  graves  to  which  victims  for  it  went  down  despair- 
ing; mark  the  fields  whereon  its  heroes  battled;  mark  the  seas 
whereon  they  fought ;  mark  the  exile  to  which  they  fled ;  mark 
the  burned  spots  where  men  gave  up  the  ghost  in  torture,  to 
vindicate  the  integrity  of  their  souls;  add  sufferings  which 
have  found  no  record,  and  imagine,  if  you  can,  the  whole. 
Liberty  has  cost  more  than  all  these  !  —  Henry  Giles. 

You  cannot  calculate  the  value  of  the  Union  !  The  astron- 
omer, from  his  observatory,  may  measure  the  disk  of  the  sun, 
tell  you  his  distance  from  the  earth,  describe  the  motion  of 
his  rays,  and  predict  with  positive  certainty  .an  eclipse;  but 
he  cannot  compute  the  utility  of  heat,  the  blessings  of  light, 
nor  the  splendor  and  glory  of  the  god  of  day.  Who  can  cal- 
culate the  value  of  constitutional  liberty,  —  the  blessings  of  a 
free  press,  free  schools,  and  a  free  religion  ?  Go  and  calculate 
the  value  of  the  air  we  breathe,  the  water  we  drink,  the  earth 
that  we  inhabit !  By  what  mathematical  process  will  you  cal- 
culate the  value  of  national  character?  In  what  scales  will 
you  weigh  political  equality  and  the  ballot-box?  At  what 
price  would  you  sell  American  citizenship?  What  is  self- 


CITIZENSHIP.  297 

government  worth, — its  freedom,  happiness,  and   example? 
Calculate  the  value  of  the  Union.       —  Matthew  W.  Ransom. 

Science  has  lengthened  life ;  it  has  mitigated  pain,  has  extin- 
guished diseases,  has  increased  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  given 
new  security  to  the  mariner,  furnished  new  arms  to  the  war- 
rior, spanned  great  rivers  and  estuaries  with  bridges  of  form 
unknown  to  our  fathers ;  it  has  guided  the  thunderbolt  innocu- 
ously from  heaven  to  earth ;  it  has  lighted  up  the  night  with 
splendor  of  the  day;  it  has  extended  the  range  of  human 
vision;  it  has  multiplied  the  power  of  the  human  muscles; 
it  has  accelerated  motion ;  it  has  annihilated  distance ;  it  has 
facilitated  intercourse,  correspondence,  all  friendly  offices,  all 
dispatch  of  business ;  it  has  enabled  man  to  descend  to  the 
depths  of  the  sea,  to  soar  into  the  air,  to  penetrate  securely 
into  the  noxious  recesses  of  the  earth ;  to  traverse  the  land  in 
cars  which  whirl  along  without  horses ;  to  cross  the  ocean  in 
ships  which  run  many  knots  an  hour  against  the  wind.  These 
are  but  a  part  of  its  fruits,  and  of  its  first  fruits,  for  it  is  a 
philosophy  which  never  rests,  which  is  never  perfect.  Its  law 
is  progress.  A  point  which  yesterday  was  invisible  is  its  goal 
to-day,  and  will  be  its  starting  point  to-morrow. 

—  Thomas  B.  Macaulay. 

Advance,  ye  future  generations !  We  would  hail  you,  as 
you  rise  in  your  long  succession,  to  fill  the  places  which  we 
now  fill,  and  to  taste  the  blessings  of  existence  where  we  are 
passing,  and  soon  shall  have  passed,  our  human  duration.  We 
greet  your  accession  to  the  great  inheritance  which  we  have 
enjoyed.  We  welcome  you  to  the  blessings  of  good  govern- 
ment and  religious  liberty.  We  welcome  you  to  the  treasures 
of  science  and  the  delights  of  learning.  We  welcome  you  to 


298  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

the  transcendent  sweets  of  domestic  life,  to  the  happiness  of 
kindred,  and  parents,  and  children.  We  welcome  you  to  the 
immeasurable  blessings  of  rational  existence,  the  immortal 
hope  of  Christianity,  and  the  light  of  everlasting  truth. 

—  Daniel  Webster. 


In  what  spirit  should  American  youth  enter  upon 
their  heritage  of  Citizenship  ? 

With  the  earnest  purpose  to  improve  their  oppor- 
tunities to  the  utmost,  especially  by  acquiring  the 
best  possible  education.  With  resolution  to  show 
themselves  worthy  of  it  by  sobriety,  industry,  thrift. 
Respecting  themselves  and  living  uprightly ;  regard- 
ing the  rights  of  others  and  helping  the  needy  ; 
loyal  to  the  Republic  and  to  its  interests  and  glory. 

Every  citizen  who  rightfully  uses  his  talents,  of 
whatever  kind,  whether  in  private  or  public  life,  as 
truly  serves  his  country  as  though  he  gave  his  life  as 
a  soldier  on  the  battlefield.  There  are  boundless 
opportunities  for  citizens  of  exceptional  talents, 
wealth,  attainments,  and  power  to  serve  their  coun- 
try by  founding  or  supporting  institutions  of  learn- 
ing, public  libraries,  art  galleries,  hospitals,  homes 
for  the  worthy  poor,  and  other  beneficent  charities. 

Knowledge  is,  indeed,  that  which  next  to  virtue  truly  and 
essentially  raises  one  man  above  another. 

—  Joseph  Addison. 


CITIZENSHIP.  299 

I  call  upon  you,  young  men,  to  remember  whose  sons  you 
are  —  whose  inheritance  you  possess.  Life  can  never  be  too 
short,  which  brings  nothing  but  disgrace  and  oppression. 
Death  never  comes  too  soon,  if  necessary,  in  the  defense  of  the 
liberties  of  your  country.  —  Joseph  Story. 

Young  men,  you  are  the  architects  of  your  own  fortunes. 
Rely  upon  your  own  strength  of  body  and  soul.  Take  for 
your  star  self-reliance.  Energy,  invincible  determination,  with 
a  right  motive,  are  the  levers  that  move  the  world.  Love  your 
God  and  your  fellow  men.  Love  truth  and  virtue.  Love  your 
country  and  obey  its  laws.  —  Noah  Porter. 

It  is  not  enough  that  a  nation  should  gather  within  its  bor- 
ders industries  and  commerce,  political  institutions,  schools, 
universities,  churches,  a  rich  inheritance  in  literature,  science, 
and  art.  It  does  not  even  suffice  that  men  should  be  able,  with 
a  just  and  patriotic  joy,  to  know  that  such  achievements  have 
made  their  country  great  in  the  eye  of  the  world.  The  day  of 
satisfying  citizenship,  and  of  realized  progress  and  freedom,  is 
still  in  the  future,  so  long  as  the  ordinary  citizen  has  not  yet 
learned  to  number  these  things  among  the  influences  that  actu- 
ally quicken,  strengthen,  enrich,  and  elevate  his  life. 

—  John  Maccunn. 

Have  you  thought  what  the  government  has  cost?  Do 
you  realize  what  free  government  means  ?  Do  you  remember 
as  you  have  read  the  story  of  ages  gone,  how  the  barons  met 
at  liunnymede  ?  Do  you  remember  how  they  wrested  a  char- 
ter from  the  king  ?  Do  you  remember  how  the  Ironsides  went 
into  battle  ?  Do  you  remember  the  psalm  that  rang  out  at  the 
shock  of  the  conflict  ?  Do  you  remember  Faneuil  Hall,  and 
Massachusetts,  and  John  Hancock  ?  Do  you  remember  Car- 


300  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

periter's  Hall  and  Benjamin  Franklin  ?  Do  you  remember 
Virginia  and  George  Washington  ?  Do  you  remember  what 
the  liberty  we  have  has  cost,  and  are  you  willing,  because  of 
fashion,  because  of  ease,  because  of  social  enjoyment  —  are  you 
willing  to  let  the  Republic  get  into  the  rapids  simply  because 
there  are  not  strong  men  straining  at  the  oars  and  keeping  us 

back  in  the  mid-stream  of  safety  ? 

—  Stewart  L.  Woodford, 

Every  true  lover  of  his  country  may  help  to  render  liberty 
more  secure  by  taking  pains  through  his  words  and  his  deeds 
to  impart  to  other  citizens  strength  of  noble  desires  and  steadi- 
ness of  will.  Noble  ideas  of  citizenship  and  its  duties,  wher- 
ever expressed,  strengthen  the  will  of  all  patriots,  and  noble 
deeds  are  more  eloquent  than  mere  words.  Let  us  see  to  it 
that  we  live  up  to  the  level  of  our  own  best  thinking,  in  our 
social  and  political  relations  as  well  as  in  our  private  life. 

—  Merrill  E.  Gates. 

The  riches  of  the  Commonwealth, 

Are  free,  strong  minds,  and  hearts  of  health ; 

And  more  to  her  than  gold  or  grain, 

The  cunning  hand  and  cultured  brain. 

—  John  G.  Wlrittier. 


LABOR 


LABOR. 

— » 
Define  Labor. 

Labor  is  toil,  or  work  ;  manual  labor  is  work  done 
with  the  hands ;  mental  labor  is  work  done  with  the 
brain ;  skilled  labor  is  that  which  requires  training, 
experience,  and  special  knowledge  for  its  performance. 

Honor  and  shame  from  no  condition  rise ; 
Act  well  your  part,  there  all  the  honor  lies. 

—  Alexander  Pope. 

Under  our  form  of  government  the  value  of  labor  as  an 
element  of  national  prosperity  should  be  distinctly  recognized, 
and  the  welfare  of  the  laboring  man  should  be  regarded  as 
especially  entitled  to  legislative  care.  —  Grover  Cleveland. 

Labor  is  discovered  to  be  the  grand  conqueror,  enriching 
and  building  up  nations  more  surely  than  the  proudest  battles. 

-  William  E.  Channing. 

Every  man,  rich  or  poor,  who  works  and  saves  is,  so  far, 
the  friend  of  his  kind,  and  every  man,  rich  or  poor,  who  is 
idle,  improvident,  or  wasteful,  is,  so  far,  the  foe  of  his  kind. 

—  E.  Benjamin  Andrews. 
303 


304  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

Mental  labor  manifests  itself  in  a  different  way  from  physi- 
cal labor.  It  is  occupied  in  investigation  and  discovery.  It 
seeks  to  find  out  the  laws  of  nature  which  make  physical  labor 
effective,  and  to  discover  new  ways  in  which  they  may  be 
utilized.  It  invents,  i.e.  devises,  instruments  of  production, 
without  which  physical  labor  could  accomplish  but  little.  It 
oversees  and  superintends,  without  which  physical  labor  would 
be  blind  and  inefficient.  It  educates,  legislates,  and  governs. 
It  is,  in  a  word,  the  precedent  and  condition  of  any  extensive 
effective  physical  labor.  — Edmund  J.  James. 

No  work  that  God  sets  a  man  to  do,  —  no  work  to  which 
God  has  especially  adapted  a  man's  powers,  —  can  properly  be 
called  either  menial  or  mean.  The  man  who  blacks  your  boots 
and  blacks  them  well,  and  who  engages  in  that  variety  of 
labor  because  he  can  do  it  better  than  he  can  do  anything  else, 
may  have,  if  he  choose,  just  as  sound  and  true  a  manhood  as 
you  have,  not  only  after  he  gets  through  the  work  of  his  life, 
but  now,  with  your  boots  in  one  hand  and  your  shilling  in  the 
other.  — Josiali  G.  Holland. 

Ill  fares  the  land,  to  hastening  ills  a  prey, 
Where  wealth  accumulates,  and  men  decay. 
Princes  and  lords  may  flourish,  or  may  fade, 
A  breath  can  make  them,  as  a  breath  has  made ; 
But  a  bold  peasantry,  their  country's  pride, 
When  once  destroyed,  can  never  be  supplied. 

—  Oliver  Goldsmith. 


Why  should  we  labor  f 

Labor   is   the   basis   of   individual    well-being,  of 
public  prosperity,   and  of   all    progress.     It   is    the 


LABOR.  305 

condition  of  civilization.  Every  human  being  is 
under  the  necessity  of  laboring  if  he  would  preserve 
his  health,  and  discharge  his  duty  to  society.  Labor 
is  honorable ;  idleness,  disgraceful.  Every  one  should 
strive  to  acquire  skill  in  his  chosen  sphere  of  service; 
should  expect  and  demand  a  reasonable  compensa- 
tion; should  respect  the  rights  of  all  other  laborers. 

Without  labor  there  is  no  ease,  no  rest,  so  much  as  con- 
ceivable. —  TJiomas  Carlyle. 

A  habit  of  labor  in  the  people  is  as  essential  to  the  health 
and  vigor  of  their  minds  and  bodies,  as  it  is  conducive  to  the 
welfare  of  the  state.  —  Alexander  Hamilton. 

No  man  is  born  into  the  world,  whose  work 
Is  not  born  with  him ;  there  is  always  work, 
And  tools  to  work  withal,  for  those  who  will ; 
And  blessed  are  the  horny  hands  of  toil. 

—  James  Russell  Lowell. 

The  downright  lazy  man,  who  does  nothing  he  can  any  way 
help,  but  leaves  things  to  go  as  they  may ;  who  puts  off  to-day 
what  will  cost  twice  the  labor  to-morrow ;  who  lets  chances  go 
past  him,  rather  than  rouse  and  lay  hold  of  them ;  Avho  has 
always  an  excuse  for  sloth  —  always  a  lion  in  every  way ;  who, 
if  he  must  work,  does  as  little  as  possible ;  who  talks  longer 
about  doing  than  it  takes  others  to  act ;  who  will  never  stand 
if  he  can  sit,  and  whom  nothing  can  hurry,  —  is  a  drone  whom 
nobody  either  respects  or  pities.  —  Cunningham  Geikie. 

What  practical  advice  would  a  wise  man  offer  to  a  young 
workingman  ?  Would  he  advise  that  young  man  to  give  hirn- 

PAT.   CIT.  20 


306  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

self  great  and  primary  concern  for  the  abstract  cause  of  labor  ? 
Probably  not,  if  the  young  man  happened  to  be  his  personal 
friend.  He  would  advise  him  to  be  industrious ;  to  take  genu- 
ine interest  in  his  trade ;  to  endeavor  by  all  means  to  grow 
more  skillful  in  it ;  to  make  himself  in  every  honorable  way 
indispensable  to  his  employer ;  to  value  highly  his  leisure,  for 
the  useful  opportunities  it  can  easily  afford  him ;  to  make  good 
friends  and  avoid  bad  ones ;  to  acquire  self-control  and  fixity 
of  purpose ;  to  learn  the  worth  of  money,  and  to  form  the  habit 
of  saving  it  as  a  means  toward  the  acquisition  of  a  full  free- 
dom. He  would  adjure  his  young  friend  to  act  upon  the  prin- 
ciple that  every  man  must  bear  his  own  burdens.  He  would 
show  him  that  the  saving  of  an  amount  equal  to  from  one  to 
two  years'  earnings  makes  practically  all  the  difference  between 
a  condition  of  independence  and  a  condition  of  servitude  or 
possible  pauperism.  —  Albert  Shaw. 

The  heights  by  great  men  reached  and  kept, 

Were  not  attained  by  sudden  flight, 
But  they,  while  their  companions  slept, 

Were  toiling  upward  in  the  night. 

—  Henry  W.  Longfellow. 


Define  Wages. 

Wages  is  the  price  paid  for  labor.  It  varies  with 
the  degree  of  intelligence  and  skill  required  for  its 
performance ;  with  the  demand  for  the  products, 
and  with  the  competition  of  the  laborers.  Men  of 
exceptional  qualifications  for  leadership  command 
exceptional  wages. 


LABOR.  307 

As  population  increases  the  struggle  to  maintain  wages 
becomes  more  severe,  the  pressure  being  the  hardest  upon  the 
unskilled  and  growing  less  severe  upon  each  higher  rank  of 
laborers.  —  William  A.  Scott. 

The  leaders  of  industry,  if  industry  is  ever  to  be  led,  are 
virtually  the  captains  of  the  world ;  if  there  is  no  nobleness  in 
them,  there  will  never  be  an  aristocracy  more. 

—  Tliomas  Carlyle. 

I  think  every  man  who  is  conversant  with  affairs  will 
admit  that  in  every  field  of  activity,  in  all  branches  of  trade 
and  commerce,  in  manufactures,  in  transportation  by  sea  and 
land,  in  the  army,  in  the  navy,  and  in  everything  in  which 
direction  or  superintendence  is  needed,  the  demand  for  presi- 
dents, managers,  generals,  and  captains,  for  high  executive 
officers  of  all  kinds,  is  deplorably  greater  than  the  supply. 

—  Edwin  L.  Godkin. 

Objectors  would  deny  to  administrative  ability  any  claim  to 
remuneration,  and  yet  there  is  no  other  element  of  production 
of  equal  value-  with  this,  inventive  ability  excepted.  An  inven- 
tion is  compMrd  :  so  far,  so  good;  but  it  has  to  be  set  work- 
in-.  How  many  inventions  have  been  long  held  back  for  want 
of  the  men  fitted  to  put  them  into  operation ;  what  millions  of 
money  wasted  for  want  of  intelligence  in  employing  them ! 

—  Yves  Guyot. 

In  their  essence,  trades  unions  are  voluntary  associations  of 
workmen  for  mutual  assistance  in  securing  generally  the  most 
favorable  conditions  of  labor.  This  is  their  primary  and 
fundamental  object,  and  includes  all  efforts  to  raise  wages  or 
resist  a  reduction  of  wages,  to  diminish  the  hours  of  labor  or 
resist  attempts  to  increase  the  working  hours,  and  to  regulate 


308  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

all  matters  relating  to  methods  of  employment  or  discharge 
and  mode  of  working.  —  George  Howell. 


Are  Labor  Organizations  desirable  ? 

Men  following  the  same  occupation  have  a  common 
^experience  that  naturally  draws  them  together,  and 
it  is  wise  for  them  to  combine  for  the  sake  of  social 
fellowship,  mutual  aid,  and  improvement. 

Experience  keeps  the  only  school  that  most  people  learn 
practical  wisdom  in,  and  it  is  by  forming  unions  and  trying 
what  they  can  accomplish  that  workmen  learn  the  nature  of 
law,  the  powers  of  government,  and  the  fundamental  princi- 
ples of  political  economy.  —  D.  McG.  Means. 

The  associative  principle  is  an  element  of  progress,  pro- 
tection, and  efficient  activity.  The  freer  a  nation,  the  more 
developed  we  find  it  in  larger  or  smaller  spheres;  and  the 
more  despotic  a  government  is,  the  more  actively  it  suppresses 
all  associations.  The  Roman  emperors  did  not  even  look 
with  favor  upon  the  associations  of  handicrafts. 

—  Francis  Lieber. 

There  is  a  socialism  which  is  law-abiding  and  righteous.  It 
is  the  socialism  contained  in  the  law,  "  Thou  shalt  love  thy 
neighbor  as  thyself."  That  is  a  law  which  cannot  be  ignored 
even  in  the  labor  problem  and  the  question  of  economics. 
Ours  cannot  continue  to  be  "  the  age  of  the  first  person  singu- 
lar," as  Emerson  once  called  it.  The  first  person  plural,  we, 
and  not  I,  or  the  possessive  pronoun  plural,  ours,  not  mine, 
must  characterize  the  new  age.  Individualism  has  been  tried ; 
competition  has  or  is  having  its  day ;  monopolies  cannot  last. 


LABOK.  309 

Cooperation  will  call  out  all  the  best  powers  of  man.  The 
success  of  the  future  is  dependent  upon  it.  The  most  potent 
factors  at  work  in  society  to-day  tend  toward  it.  And  more 
than  all  there  is  an  ethics  in  it  that  can  be  justified.  All 
questions  of  reform  are  being  quickened  by  an  appeal  to  ethics. 

—  B.  P.  Raymond. 

A  society  in  which  it  has  become  a  vice  to  maintain 
personal  independence,  and  a  virtue  to  submit  to  a  coercive 
organization  and  to  persecute  those  who  do  not,  is  a  society 
which  will  rapidly  lose  again  the  liberties  it  has,  in  recent 
times,  gained.  Men  who  so  little  understand  what  freedom  is 
will  inevitably  lose  their  freedom.  —  Herbert  Spencer. 

Let  it  be  frankly  owned  that  workmen  have  a  right  to  or- 
ganize to  protect  themselves  from  unjust  treatment;  let  it  be 
as  frankly  acknowledged  that  employers  going  lawfully  into 
business  for  the  sake  of  personal  profit,  have  also  a  right  to 
conduct  their  business  according  to  their  will  and  judgment. 
Every  workman  has  the  right  to  insist,  so  far  as  he  can,  upon 
beilig  paid  what  he  considers  to  be  a  fair  wage,  and  to  quit 
employment  (when  not  under  contract),  refusing  it  at  a  lower 
rate.  He  has  a  right  also,  by  any  fair  persuasion,  to  engage 
the  help  of  his  fellows  by  their  also  refusing  employment,  so 
as  to  compel  a  higher  wage. 

But  this  right  is  the  right  of  every  man.  If  one  may  accept 
or  refuse  employment,  at  his  own  will,  in  accordance  with  his 
sense  of  what  may  be  either  just  or  for  his  own  interest,  another 
has  the  same  right ;  and  it  is  as  much  an  outrage  and  act  of 
injustice  for  a  man  to  be  coerced  by  his  fellow  workmen,  as  it 
is  for  him  to  be  coerced  by  the  no  more  tyrannical  will  of  an 
employer,  however  favored  by  his  exceptional  position. 

—  William  J.  Linton. 


310  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

Are  Strikes  justifiable  ? 

Singly,  or  in  combination,  men  may  refuse  to  work 
if  they  are  not  well  paid  or  properly  treated ;  but 
they  should  always  fulfill  their  contracts.  They  have 
no  right  to  prevent  others  from  working,  —  others 
whose  right  to  go  to  work  is  just  as  sacred  as  is  their 
own  right  to  quit  work. 

A  strike  is  the  weapon  of  force,  and  "  who  overcomes  by 
force  hath  overcome  but  half  his  foe."  I  fail  to  see  any  lasting 
good  in  strikes.  —  Terence  F.  Powderly. 

No  one  denies  the  right  of  every  laboring  man  to  seek 
remunerative  wages  for  his  work,  and  he  is  at  perfect  liberty 
to  quit  that  work  when  he  thinks  his  labor  is  not  adequately 
compensated,  but  his  rights  stop  there.  He  has  no  semblance 
of  right,  in  law  or  morals,  to  prevent  another  from  taking  the 
place  he  has  given  up.  When  employes,  from  some  real  or 
fancied  injustice  done  them,  give  up  the  positions  they  hold, 
they  exercise  a  clear  right ;  but  when  by  threats  and  violence 
they  force  others  to  join  in  unlawful  combinations  to  invade 
the  vested  rights  of  their  fellow  citizens,  they  become  law- 
breakers, and  should  be  treated  as  criminals. 

—  Wade  Hampton. 

Labor  must  learn  that,  however  sacred  its  rights  be,  there 
is  something  above  them  and  absolutely  supreme  —  social 
order  and  the  laws  of  public  justice.  There  is  no  civil  crime 
as  hideous  and  as  pregnant  of  evil  results  as  resistance  to 
law  and  the  constitutional  authorities  of  the  country.  This 
resistance  is  revolution;  it  begets  anarchy;  it  disrupts  the 


LABOR.  311 

whole  social  fabric,  which  insures  life  and  safety  to  the  poor 
as  well  as  to  the  rich,  to  the  employe  as  well  as  the  employer. 

—  John  Ireland. 


What  is  the  influence  of  Machinery  upon  the  condi- 
tion of  the  people  ? 

It  tends  to  cheapen  production,  to  shorten  the 
hours  of  labor,  to  elevate  the  workman,  and  to 
add  to  the  general  prosperity. 

It  cannot  be  successfully  denied  that  the  direct  influence  of 
inventions  has  been  felt  in  three  ways,  —  the  increase  in  wages 
(and  I  mean  by  this  the  increase  in  actual  earnings  in  a  given 
time),  the  reduction  of  working  time,  and  the  decreased  cost 
of  articles  of  consumption,  whereby  wages  are  made  more 
efficient.  -  Carroll  D.  Wright. 

Not  a  garment  that  we  wear,  not  a  meal  that  we  eat,  not 
a  paper  that  we  read,  not  a  tool  that  we  use,  not  a  journey 
that  we  take,  but  makes  us  debtor  to  some  inventor's  thought. 
Measured  by  what  we  can  learn,  see,  do,  and  enjoy  in  a  life- 
time, we  live  longer  than  Methuselah,  we  are  wiser  than 
Solomon,  richer  than  Croesus,  and  greater  than  Alexander. 
Archimedes  has  found  his  fulcrum;  it  is  the  brain  of  the 
inventor.  —  Robert  S.  Taylor. 

There  go  to  the  making  up  of  the  newspaper  of  to-day  a 
vast  congeries  of  mechanical  and  intellectual  appliances.  It 
is  so  complete  in  its  instrumentalities  that  it  realizes  many 
of  the  conceptions  cherished  in  the  childhood  of  the  race  as 
mythological  fancies.  Odin's  ravens,  the  wishing-cap  of  Fortu- 
natus,  the  cloak  of  invisibility,  the  "  seven-league  boots,"  the 


312  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

winged  feet  of  Mercury,  —  in  short,  all  appliances  whereby  a 
then  becomes  a  now,  and  whereby  a  there  becomes  a  here,  —  are 
well-nigh  realized  in  the  modern  daily  newspaper,  so  far  as 
the  presentation  to  each  man  of  the  spectacle  of  the  activity 
of  his  entire  race  is  concerned.  —  William  T.  Harris. 

Who  is  bold  enough  to  say  that  the  Constitution  could  have 
overspread  a  continent  if  the  growth  of  invention  and  of 
inventive  achievement  had  not  kept  pace  with  territorial 
expansion?  It  is  invention  which  has  brought  the  Pacific 
Ocean  to  the  Alleghanies.  It  is  invention  which  has  made  it 
possible  for  the  flag  of  one  Republic  to  carry  more  than  forty 
symbolic  stars.  —  Charles  E.  Mitchell 


How  may  the  condition  of  laboring  people  be  im- 
proved ? 

By  education,  industry,  temperance,  and  thrift. 
Ignorance,  idleness,  intemperance,  and  waste  are 
enemies,  and  hinder  the  advancement  of  any  class 
of  people.  Every  one  should  cultivate  the  highest 
respect  for  his  own  individuality,  and  strive  to  make 
the  most  of  himself  as  a  man. 

Men  at  some  time  are  masters  of  their  fates. 
The  fault,  dear  Brutus,  is  not  in  our  stars, 
But  in  ourselves,  that  we  are  underlings. 

—  William  Shakspeare. 

As  I  go  about  among  these  wage-earners,  the  emphasis,  do 
what  I  will,  comes  to  lie  less  and  less  on  possession,  and  more 
and  more  on  character.  —  Mrs.  Humphry  Ward. 


LABOR.  313 

Of  all  labor  questions  there  is  none  upon  which  the  workers 
are  more  nearly  of  one  mind  than  the  movement  for  shortening 
the  hours  of  labor.  The  desire  for  more  leisure  is  honorable 
to  the  workers.  It  is  begotten,  not  of  idleness,  but  of  an 
aspiration  after  higher  things.  They  wish  for  opportunities 
of  better  culture,  nobler  family  life,  and  occupations  fitting 
them  for  the  position  of  citizens.  —  John  E.  Gorst. 

If  we  wish  to  know  how  we  may  best  clear  from  this  conti- 
nent the  superabundant  forests  that  encumber  it ;  how  we  may 
best  lay  the  iron  rail  and  put  the  locomotive  upon  it ;  how  we 
may  most  profitably  dig  the  abounding  metals  from  their 
veins;  how  we  may  instantaneously  communicate  with  our 
most  distant  towns;  how  we  may  cover  the  ocean  with  our 
ships;  how  we  may  produce  a  sober,  industrious,  healthy, 
moral  population,  we  shall  find  our  answer  in  providing  uni- 
versal instruction.  That  spontaneously  provides  occupation. 
The  morality  of  a  nation  is  the  aggregate  of  the  morality  of 
individuals.  A  lazy  man  is  necessarily  a  bad  man  ;  an  idle  is 
necessarily  a  demoralized  population.  —  John  W.  Draper. 

Let  us  remember  that  it  is  only  religion  and  morals  and 
knowledge,  that  can  make  men  respectable  and  happy  under 
any  form  of  government.  In  our  day  and  generation  let  us 
seek  to  raise  and  improve  the  moral  sentiment,  so  that  we  may 
look,  not  for  a  degraded,  but  for  an  elevated  and  improved 
future.  —Daniel  Webster. 

The  problem  in  America  is  to  elevate  work  by  educating, 
and  thus  elevating,  the  workmen.  The  masses  are  already 
learning  that  mere  muscle  is  weak ;  that  brains  help  the  hands 
in  all  work.  If  knowledge  is  power,  ignorance  is  waste  and 
weakness.  What  a  man  is  stamps  an  impress  upon  what  he 
does,  even  in  the  humblest  forms  of  industry.  Whatever  ele- 


314  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

vates  the  laborer  improves  his  work.  You  can  dignify  work, 
therefore,  in  no  way  so  surely  as  by  educating  and  elevating 
the  workmen.  —Birdseye  G.  Northrup. 

Men  do  not  commonly  set  success  and  happiness  on  the  one 
hand,  and  ruin  on  the  other  hand,  and  then  deliberately  choose 
to  be  ruined.  Yet  men,  by  the  millions,  are  constantly  select- 
ing and  pursuing  courses  that  inevitably  lead  to  ruin.  Here, 
for  example,  is  a  young  man  setting  out  in  life,  with  a  prefer- 
ence to  become  rich  and  prosperous.  Yet  he  chooses  a  career 
of  thriftlessness  and  extravagance  that  brings  him  to  poverty ; 
or  perhaps  under  the  name  of  "business"  he  embarks  in  all 
sorts  of  gambling  ventures  that  bring  him  to  an  empty  purse 
and  an  empty  character.  His  failure  is  the  fruit  of  his  own 
conduct.  No  man  voluntarily  chooses  the  disgrace  and  the 
disease  and  the  doom  of  drunkenness.  Yet  unnumbered  thou- 
sands do  choose  to  tamper  with  the  wineglass  and  the  brandy 
bottle,  and  their  voluntary  choice  does  bring  them  to  the 
drunkard's  self-damnation.  —  Theodore  L.  Cuyler. 

But  blessed  that  child  of  humanity,  happiest  man  among  men, 
Who,  with  hammer  or  chisel  or  pencil,  with  rudder  or  plow- 
share or  pen, 

Laboreth  ever  and  ever  with  hope  through  the  morning  of  life, 
Winning  home  and  its  darling  divinities,  —  love-worshiped 

children  and  wife. 
Eound  swings  the   hammer   of  industry,   quickly  the  sharp 

chisel  rings, 
And  the  heart  of  the  toiler  has  throbbings  that  stir  not  the 

bosom  of  kings,  — 

He  the  true  ruler  and  conqueror,  he  the  true  king  of  his  race, 
Who  nerveth  his  arm  for  life's  combat,  and  looks  the  strong 
world  in  the  face.  —  Denis  F.  MacCarthy. 


CAPITAL. 


UNITED    STATES    TREASURE     BUILDING,    WA3H.NGTON,    D.C. 

Tracing  property  to  its  source,  we  find  it  has  its  origin,  as  a  general  rule,  not 
in  "  theft,"  but  in  labor,  either  of  the  hand  or  of  the  brain,  and  in  the  frugality  by 
which  the  fruits  of  labor  have  been  saved.  In  the  case  of  property  which  has 
been  inherited,  we  may  have  to  go  back  generations  in  order  to  reach  this 
fact,  but  we  come  to  the  fact  at  last.  Wherever  the  labor  has  been  honest, 
good  we  may  be  sure  has  been  done,  and  the  wealth  of  society  at  large,  as 
well  as  that  of  the  worker,  has  been  increased  in  the  process. 

—  GOLDWIN  SMITH. 


CAPITAL. 


Define  Capital. 

Capital  is  the  accumulated  product  of  labor,  and 
may  consist 'in  tools,  machinery,  houses,  lands,  live- 
stock, railroads,  mines,  stocks,  bonds,  money,  and 
other  forms  of  wealth.  Skill,  valuable  experience, 
and  useful  knowledge  are  subtle  forms  of  capital. 

Abstractly,  money  or  the  control  of  money,  sometimes  called 
credit,  is  capital.  Concretely,  capital  consists  of  all  forms  of 
marketable  matter  which  embody  labor.  —  John  A.  Hobson. 

Every  poor  man  hopes  to  lay  up  something  for  a  rainy  day, 
and  when  he  gets  one  hundred  dollars  laid  up,  to  that  extent 
he  is  a  capitalist.  —  James  A.  Garfield. 

What,  in  fact,  is  wealth  ?  A  result,  and  nothing  more.  It 
is  a  fruit  of  the  liberality  of  nature,  or  of  the  labor  of  man. 

—  Charles  Coquelin. 

What  is  it  that  enables  a  man  to  say  justly  of  a  thing,  "  It 
is  mine  "  ?  From  what  springs  the  sentiment  of  his  exclusive 
right  as  against  all  the  world  ?  Is  it  not,  primarily,  the  right 
of  a  man  to  himself,  to  the  use  of  his  own  powers,  to  the  enjoy- 

317 


318  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

ment  of  the  fruits  of  his  own  exertions  ?  Is  it  not  this  indi- 
vidual right,  which  springs  from  and  is  testified  to  by  the  facts 
of  individual  organization,  —  the  fact  that  each  particular  pair 
of  hands  obeys  a  particular  brain  and  are  related  to  a  partic- 
ular stomach,  the  fact  that  each  man  is  a  definite,  coherent, 
independent  whole,  —  which  justifies  individual  ownership? 
As  a  man  belongs  to  himself,  so  his  labor  put  in  concrete  form 
belongs  to  him.  And  for  this  reason,  that  which  a  man  makes 
or  produces  is  his  own,  as  against  all  the  world, — to  enjoy  or 
destroy,  to  use,  to  exchange,  or  to  give.  No  one  else  can  right- 
fully claim  it,  and  his  exclusive  right  to  it  involves  no  wrong 
to  any  one  else.  Thus  there  is  to  everything  produced  by 
human  exertion  a  clear  and  indisputable  title  to  exclusive 
possession  and  enjoyment,  which  is  perfectly  consistent  Avith 
justice,  as  it  descends  from  the  original  producer,  in.  whom  it 
vested  by  natural  law.  — Henry  George. 


Should  we  accumulate  Capital  ? 

Every  man  who  can  do  so  should  strive  to  save 
something  from  his  daily  earnings,  and  accumulate 
it  in  some  form  of  capital,  so  as  to  increase  his  power 
and  enjoyment,  provide  for  the  enlarged  demands 
liable  to  be  made  upon  him,  and  to  meet  emergencies 
occasioned  by  accident,  sickness,  age,  or  loss  of  work. 

A  state  of  things  in  which  a  man  would  not  think  that  what 
he  had  made  for  himself  was  his  own  is  unknown  to  experi- 
ence and  beyond  the  reach  of  our  conceptions. 

—  Goldwin  Smith. 


CAPITAL.  319 

Without  a  class  free  from  the  care  of  material  maintenance, 
all  the  other  higher  concerns  of  society,  art,  science,  and  educa- 
tion would  languish  or  perish.  -  Robert  S.  Mojfat. 

The  interest  of  workmen  is  promoted  by  the  accumulation 
of  the  greatest  amount  of  capital.  The  more  there  is  of  it,  the 
greater  will  be  their  share  of  it.  Our  rich  men  no  sooner  make 
money  than  they  hasten  to  invest  it  in  new  enterprises,  which 
increase  the  demand  for  labor  and  the  rate  of  wages.  If  they 
make  money  in  these  enterprises  they  reinvest  it  with  the  same 
results.  If  their  enterprises  fail,  it  is  they  that  bear  the  loss, 
and  not  the  laborers  to  whom  they  have  paid  wages. 

-  D.  McG.  Means. 

Man  has  a  first  property  in  his  person  and  his  faculties ;  he 
has  a  second,  less  intimately  connected  with  his  being,  but  not 
less  sacred,  in  the  products  of  his  faculties,  which  includes  all 
that  are  called  worldly  possessions,  and  which  society  is  in  the 
highest  degree  interested  in  guaranteeing  to  him ;  for  without 
this  guarantee  there  would  be  no  labor,  without  labor  no  civili- 
zation, not  even  necessaries ;  but  instead,  destitution,  brigand- 
age, and  barbarism.  -Loui*  A.  Thiers. 

In  the  forces  of  civilization  we  find  the  banker  in  the  fore- 
front. It  was  a  banker  that  first  taught  the  world  the  maxim 
of  an  honest  commerce.  It  was  the  Bank  of  Venice  that  was 
the  first  to  arbitrate  commerce  and  control  the  seas.  It  was  a 
banker  that  first  taught  a  nation  that  the  public  fidelity  was 
the  right  basis  of  all  successful  effort  in  the  business  world. 
For  six  hundred  years  Venice  maintained  unstained  her  honor, 
elevating  the  civilization  of  the  world.  In  course  of  time  she 
was  succeeded  by  Amsterdam  and  Antwerp,  their  bankers  hon- 
oring every  check  and  paying  every  piece  of  paper,  teaching 


320  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

the  world  that  there  was  a  giant  in  trade  and  commerce  capa- 
ble of  strangling  a  nation.  The  bankers  thus  brought  the 
world  together,  made  the  nations  of  the  earth  one  man,  one 
commonwealth.  —  Benjamin  Butterworth. 


How  should  Capital  be  accumulated  and  used  ? 

It  should  be  accumulated  by  honest  and  honorable 
means,  and  not  used  for  selfish  purposes  only,  but  for 
general  prosperity.  It  is  entitled  to  fair  returns, 
should  be  respected  as  a  personal  right,  and  should 
have  the  protection  of  the  law. 

Wealth,  in  itself  considered,  is  only  power,  —  like  steam,  or 
electricity,  or  knowledge.  The  question  of  its  good  or  ill  turns 
on  the  question  how  it  will  be  used.  To  prove  any  harm  in 
aggregations  of  wealth,  it  must  be  shown  that  great  wealth  is, 
as  a  rule,  in  the  ordinary  course  of  social  affairs,  put  to  a  mis- 
chievous use.  This  cannot  be  shown  beyond  the  very  slightest 
degree,  if  at  all.  —  William  6r.  Sumner. 

They  should  own  who  can  administer ;  not  they  who  hoard 
and  conceal ;  not  they  who,  the  greater  proprietors  they  are,  are 
only  the  greater  beggars,  but  they  whose  work  carves  out  work 
for  more,  opens  a  path  for  all.  —  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson. 

The  wealth  gathered  into  one  great  stream  is  capable  of 
doing  more  public  good  than  if  it  had  remained  scattered  in 
the  hands  of  thousands,  probably  to  be  frittered  away.  To 
establish  a  Cooper  Institute  of  New  York,  or  a  Pratt  Institute 
of  Brooklyn,  a  Drexel  Institute  of  Philadelphia,  the  Pratt 
Libraries  of  Baltimore,  to  bestow  a  public  park  or  hospital, 


CAPITAL.  321 

requires  a  great  sum,  which,  disbursed  among  the  masses,  we 
make  bold  to  say,  would  be  productive  of  infinitely  less  good 
than  if  concentrated  into  the  hand  of  one  who  considers  him- 
self the  trustee  of  the  poor,  and  establishes  such  an  institution. 

—  Andrew  Carnegie. 

That  wealth  is  often  abused,  fearfully  abused,  is  too  true ; 
so  are  strength,  intellect,  power,  and  opportunities  of  all  kinds. 
It  is  also  true  that  nothing  can  be  more  miserable  or  abject 
than  to  live  in  idleness  by  the  sweat  of  other  men's  brows. 
But  this  is  felt,  in  an  increasing  degree,  by  the  better  natures ; 
private  fortunes  are  more  held  subject  to  the  moral  claims  of 
the  community ;  a  spontaneous  communism  is  thus  making 
way,  and  notably,  as  every  observer  will  see,  in  the  United 
States.  —  Goldwin  Smith. 

Wealth  may  be  an  excellent  thing,  for  it  means  power,  it 
means  leisure,  it  means  liberty.  But  these,  divorced  from  cul- 
ture, that  is,  from  intelligent  purpose,  become  the  very  mock- 
ery of  their  own  essence,  not  goods,  but  evils  fatal  to  their 
possessor,  and  bring  with  them,  like  the  Niblung  hoard,  a 
doom  instead  of  a  blessing.  A  man  rich  only  for  himself  has 
a  life  as  barren  and  cheerless  as  that  of  the  serpent  set  to 
guard  a  buried  treasure.  —James  Russell  Lowell. 

The  more  methods  there  are  in  a  state  for  acquiring  riches 
without  industry  or  merit,  the  less  there  will  be  of  either  in 
that  state;  this  is  as  evident  as  the  ruin  that  attends  it. 
Besides,  when  money  is  shifted  from  hand  to  hand  in  such  a 
blind,  fortuitous  manner,  that  some  men  shall  from  nothing 
acquire  in  an  instant  vast  estates,  without  the  least  desert, 
while  others  are  as  suddenly  stripped  of  plentiful  fortunes,  and 
left  on  the  parish  by  their  own  avarice  and  credulity,  what  can 
PAT.  cix.  — 21 


322  PATKIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

be  hoped  for,  on  the  one  hand,  but  abandoned  luxury  and  wan- 
tonness ;  on  the  other,  but  extreme  madness  and  despair  ?  In 
short,  all  projects  for  growing  rich  by  sudden  and  extraordi- 
nary methods,  as  they  operate  violently  on  the  passions  of 
men  and  encourage  them  to  despise  the  slow,  moderate  gains 
that  are  to  be  made  by  an  honest  industry,  must  be  ruinous  to 
the  public,  and  even  the  winners  themselves  will  at  length  be 
involved  in  the  public  ruin.  —  George  Berkeley. 


What  are  some  of  the  relations  of  Capital  and 
Labor  ? 

They  are  never  absolutely  separate.  Every  laborer 
who  owns  a  tool  is  in  so  far  a  capitalist ;  every  capi- 
talist must  be  to  some  extent  a  laborer. 

They  are  mutually  serviceable.  Capital  to  be  pro- 
ductive must  employ  labor ;  labor  is  dependent  for 
reward  upon  capital.  There  can  be  no  great  enter- 
prises for  employing  laborers  without  large  capital ; 
such  enterprises  can  only  be  carried  on  by  many 
workmen. 

They  are  mutually  dependent.  Capital  depends 
for  its  safety  and  profit  upon  the  intelligence,  fidel- 
ity, and  skill  of  the  employes.  Labor  is  dependent 
for  the  life,  health,  and  happiness  of  the  workmen 
upon  the  justice  and  consideration  of  the  capitalists. 
There  should  be  between  the  employers  and  the 
employes  mutual  respect  and  confidence. 


CAPITAL.  323 

Both  capital  and  labor  are  entitled  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  law ;  if  need  be,  the  whole  force  of 
the  government  may  be  used  to  protect  either  from 
unjust  treatment  by  the  other. 

The  great,  all-embracing  reform  of  our  age  is  the  social  re- 
form, that  which  seeks  to  lift  the  laboring  class,  as  such,  —  not 
out  of  labor  by  any  means,  —  but  out  of  ignorance,  inefficiency, 
dependence,  and  want,  and  place  them  in  a  position  of  partner- 
ship and  recognized  mutual  helpfulness  with  the  suppliers  of 
the  capital  which  they  render  fruitful  and  efficient. 

—  Horace  Greeley. 

Labor  is  essential  to  production ;  physical  labor  is  a  neces- 
sary, inevitable  factor  in  production.  But  capital,  oversight, 
invention,  all  the  work  of  head  and  heart  that  goes  to  improve 
social  conditions,  and  make  them  intelligent  and  wholesome, 
have  their  share  in  creation,  and  must  have  their  full  share  in 
the  product.  —  T.  Ed-win  Bron-n. 

Industries,  which  allow  some  profit-sharing  which  secures 
the  laborer  from  want  in  sickness  and  old  age,  gain  strength 
1<>  themselves  while  comforting  the  workingman.  And,  as  to 
son ic  means  of  prevention  of  strikes  and  dangerous  disputes 
lict  wccn  capital  and  labor,  nothing  better  so  far  has  been  sug- 
gested than  arbitration,  in  all  the  lines  of  justice  and  wisdom 
that  national  legislation  can  throw  around.  Arbitration  will 
give  at  least  moral  conclusion,  against  which  neither  capital 
nor  labor  could  well  hold.  —  John  Ireland. 

Cooperation  touches  no  man's  fortune ;  it  seeks  no  plunder ; 
it,  gives  no  trouble  to  statesmen;  it  contemplates  no  violence; 
it  subverts  no  order ;  it  envies  no  dignity ;  it  accepts  no  gift 


324  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

nor  asks  any  favor ;  it  keeps  110  terms  with  the  idle,  and  will 
break  no  faith  with  the  industrious.  It  is  neither  mendicant, 
servile,  nor  offensive ;  it  has  its  hand  in  no  man's  pocket,  and 
does  not  mean  that  any  hand  shall  remain  long  or  comfortably 
in  its  own.  It  means  self-help,  self-dependence,  and  such  share 
of  the  common  competence  as  labor  can  earn,  or  thought  can 
win.  And  this  it  intends  to  have,  but  by  means  which  shall 
leave  every  other  person  an  equal  share  of  the  same  good. 

—  George  J.  Holyoake. 

All  are  architects  of  Fate, 

Working  in  these  walls  of  Time, 
Some  with  massive  deeds  and  great, 

Some  with  ornaments  of  rhyme. 

Nothing  useless  is,  or  low ; 

Each  thing  in  its  place  is  best ; 
And  what  seems  but  idle  show 

Strengthens  and  supports  the  rest. 

—  Henry  W.  Longfellow. 


Is  there  any  fixed  line  of  separation  betiveen  Laborers 
and  Capitalists  ? 

There  is  none  in  America,  where  caste  does  not 
exist,  and  where  opportunities  for  improvement  are 
so  abundant.  Many  of  the  rich  men  of  this  country 
began  their  career  as  poor  boys.  The  chief  thing  in 
life  is  character,  which  has  no  relation  to  wealth. 
Man's  highest  honor  lies  in  the  faithful  performance 
of  his  duty  in  whatever  sphere  of  life  he  occupies. 


CAPITAL.  325 

Just  as  the  symmetry  of  the  human  body  is  the  result  of 
the  disposition  of  the  members  of  the  body,  so  in  a  state  it  is 
ordained  by  nature  that  these  two  classes  should  exist  in  har- 
mony and  agreement,  and  should,  as  it  were,  fit  into  one 
another,  so  as  to  maintain  the  equilibrium  of  the  body  politic. 
Each  requires  the  other ;  capital  cannot  do  without  labor,  nor 
labor  without  capital.  Mutual  agreement  results  in  pleasant- 
ness and  good  order;  perpetual  conflict  necessarily  produces 
confusion  and  outrage.  —  Leo  XIII. 

Democracy,  to  be  praised  for  many  things,  is  most  to  be 
praised  for  this,  that  it  has  made  it  possible,  without  shame 
and  without  reluctance,  to  preach  the  gospel  of  duty  to  the 
whole  people.  —  Arnold  Toynbee. 

We  can  have  no  orders  of  nobility  under  our  constitution. 
There  can  be  no  privileged  class.  All  men  are  equal  under  the 
law.  I  do  not  mean  that  all  persons  are  equal  in  all  respects. 
There  is  no  such  thing  as  absolute  equality,  and  cannot  be ; 
but  before  the  law,  in  the  enjoyment  of  our  rights  and  in  the 
undisturbed  possession  of  what  we  have,  we  are  all  equal,  as 
we  could  not  be  under  a  monarchy.  Here  there  is  no  legal 
bar  to  success ;  all  places  are  open  to  all. 

—  Benjamin  B.  Comegys. 

Nature  is  republican.  The  discoveries  of  science  are  re- 
publican. What  are  these  new  forces,  steam  and  electric- 
ity, but  powers  that  are  leveling  all  fictitious  distinctions, 
and  forcing  the  world  on  to  a  iioltle  destiny?  Have  they  not 
already  propelled  the  nineteenth  century  a  thousand  years 
;di.;id?  What  are  they  but  the  servitors  of  the  people,  and 
not  of  a  class  ?  Does  not  the  poor  man  of  to-day  ride  in  a  car 
dragged  by  forces  such  as  never  waited  on  kings,  or  drove  the 


326  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

wheels  of  triumphal  chariots  ?  Does  he  not  yoke  the  light- 
ning, and  touch  the  magnetic  nerves  of  the  world  ?  The  steam 
engine  is  a  democrat.  It  is  the  popular  heart  that  throbs  in 
its  iron  pulses.  And  the  electric  telegraph  writes  upon  the 
walls  of  despotism,  Mene,  mene,  tekel  upharsin ! 

—  Edwin  H.  Chapin. 

And  well  for  Gain  if  it  ungrudging  yields 
Labor  its  just  demand ;  and  well  for  Ease 
If,  in  the  uses  of  its  own,  it  sees 
No  wrong  to  him  who  tills  its  pleasant  fields 
And  spreads  the  table  of  its  luxuries. 
The  interests  of  the  rich  man  and  the  poor 
Are  one  and  same,  inseparable  evermore ; 
And  when  scant  wage  or  labor  fail  to  give 
Food,  shelter,  raiment,  wherewithal  to  live, 
Need  has  its  rights,  necessity  its  claim. 
Yes,  even  self-wrought  misery  and  shame 
Test  well  the  charity  suffering  long  and  kind. 
The  home-pressed  question  of  the  age  can  find 
No  answer  in  the  catchwords  of  the  blind 
Leaders  of  blind.     Solution  there  is  none 
Save  in  the  Golden  Rule  of  Christ  alone. 

—  John  G.  Whittier. 


THE   PERPETUITY   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 


CAPITOL     OF    THE     UNITED     STATES,    WASHINGTON,     D.  C. 

Religion,  morality,  and  knowledge  being  necessary  to  good  government  and 
the  happiness  of  mankind,  schools  and  the  means  of  education  shall  forever  be 
encouraged.  —ORDINANCE  OF  1787. 


THE   PERPETUITY   OF   THE  REPUBLIC. 


What  is  necessary  to  insure  the  continuance  of  the 
Republic  and  the  preservation  of  Freedom  f 

Perhaps  the  most  indispensable  condition  of  the 
continued  stability  of  the  Nation  is  the  existence 
of  a  universal  love  of  country.  Patriotism,  —  an 
intelligent  appreciation  of  liberty  as  embodied  in 
the  Constitution  and  protected  by  law  and  the 
courts,  —  is  the  chief  guarantee  of  permanence. 

We  are  strong  in  <>ur  territorial  extent,  strong  in  the  vast 
natural  resources  of  our  country,  strong  in  the  vigorous  men 
and  in  the  fair  women  who  inhabit  it,  strong  in  those  glorious 
institutions  which  our  fathers  of  the  Revolution  transmitted 
to  us ;  but,  above  all,  strong,  stronger,  strongest  in  the  irre- 
pressible instinct  of  patriotic  devotion  to  country  which  burns 
inextinguishably,  like  the  vestal  fire  on  its  altars,  in  the  heart 
of  every  American.  —  Caleb  dishing. 

Our  boys  and  girls  are  to  be  trained  to  be  Christian  patriots. 
And  then  we  are  sure  that  they  will  be  good  citizens.  We  do 
not  build  on  their  learning,  nor  on  their  graces,  nor  their  creed, 
—  not,  God  knows!  on  their  wealth.  No!  We  ask  them  to 

329 


330  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

love  their  home  because  it  is  God's  home ;  to  serve  the  state 
because  it  is  God's  kingdom;  and  this  is  the  whole  duty  of 
man.  —  Edward  Everett  Hale. 

Let  me  say  a  word  for  a  little  more  patriotism  in  the 
schools.  We  have  little  in  our  every-day  life  to  arouse 
patriotic  ardor.  We  have  no  frequent  or  great  exhibitions 
of  power;  no  army  to  stand  in  awe  of;  no  royalty  to  wor- 
ship ;  no  emblems  or  ribbons  to  dazzle  the  eye ;  and  but  few 
national  airs.  We  have  elections  so  frequently,  and  then  say 
such  terribly  hard  things  of  each  other  and  about  the  manage- 
ment of  government,  that  I  imagine  the  children  wonder  what 
kind  of  a  country  this  is  that  they  have  been  born  into.  There 
is  no  such  inculcation  of  patriotism  among  our  children  as 
among  the  children  of  some  other  lands.  If  I  had  my  way, 
I  would  hang  the  flag  in  every  schoolroom,  and  I  would 
spend  an  occasional  hour  in  singing  our  best  patriotic  songs, 
in  declaiming  the  masterpieces  of  our  national  oratory,  and 
in  rehearsing  the  proud  story  of  our  national  life.  I  would 
attempt  to  impress  upon  all  the  supreme  value  of  their  inher- 
itance, and  the  sacred  duty  of  transmitting  it  untarnished  and 
unimpaired,  but  rather  broadened  and  strengthened,  to  the  mil- 
lions who  will  follow  after.  — Andrew  8.  Draper. 

The  idea  that  the  United  States  are  one  nation,  and  not 
thirty-eight  nations,  is  the  grand  cardinal  doctrine  of  a  sound 
political  faith.  State  pride  and  sectional  attachment  are  nat- 
ural passions  in  the  human  breast,  and  are  so  near  akin  to 
patriotism  as  to  be  distinguished  from  it  only  in  the  court  of 
a  higher  reason.  But  there  is  a  nobler  love  of  country  —  a 
patriotism  that  rises  above  all  places  and  sections ;  that  knows 
no  county,  no  state,  no  North,  no  South,  but  only  native  land; 
that  claims  no  mountain  slope,  that  clings  to  no  river  bank, 


THE  PERPETUITY  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.       331 

that  worships  no  range  of  hills,  but  lifts  the  aspiring  eye  to 
a  continent  redeemed  from  barbarism  by  common  sacrifices, 
and  made  sacred  by  the  shedding  of  kindred  blood.  Such  a 
patriotism  is  the  cable  and  sheet  anchor  of  our  hope. 

—  John  C.  Ridpath. 


What  besides  Patriotism  is  required  to  secure  the 
permanence  of  Free  Institutions  ? 

A  republic  of  freemen  must  rest  upon  the  intelli- 
gence of  its  citizens. 

In  proportion  as  the  structure  of  a  government  gives  force 
t<>  public  opinion,  it  is  essential  that  public  opinion  should  be 
•  •  1 1 1  i  L^htened.  —  George  Wash  ing  ton. 

We  are  a  Republic  whereof  one  man  is  as  good  as  another 
before  the  law.  Under  such  a  form  of  government,  it  is  of 
the  greatest  importance  that  all  should  be  possessed  of  educa- 
tion and  intelligence.  —  Ulysses  S.  Grant. 

We  are  making  the  experiment  of  self-government,  —  a  gov- 
crmnent  of  the  people  by  the  people,  —  and  it  has  seemed  a 
logical  conclusion  to  all  nations  at  all  times  that  the  rulers  of 
the  people  should  have  the  best  education  attainable.  Thus,  of 
course,  it  follows  that  the  entire  people  of  a  democracy  should 
be  educated,  for  they  are  the  rulers.  -  William  T.  Harri*. 

The  forest  is  fading  and  falling,  and  towns  and  villages  are 
rising  and  flourishing.  And,  better  still,  a  moral,  intelligent, 
and  industrious  people  are  spreading  themselves  over  the  whole 
face  of  the  country,  and  making  it  their  own  and  their  home. 
And  what  chant's  and  chances  await  us!  Shall  we  go  on 
increasing,  and  improving,  and  united,  or  shall  we  add  another 


332  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

to  the  list  of  republics  which,  have  preceded  us,  and  which 
have  fallen  the  victim  of  their  own  follies  and  dissensions  ? 
My  faith  in  the  stability  of  our  institutions  is  enduring,  my 
hope  is  strong ;  for  they  rest  upon  public  virtue  and  intelligence. 

—  Lewis  Cass. 

A  republic  without  intelligence,  —  even  a  high  degree  of 
intelligence,  —  is  a  paradox  and  an  impossibility.  What  means 
that  principle  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  which  de- 
clares the  consent  of  the  governed  to  be  the  true  foundation 
of  all  just  authority  ?  What  kind  of  "  consent "  is  referred 
.to  ?  Manifestly  not  the  passive  and  unresisting  acquiescence 
of  the  mind  which,  like  the  potter's  clay,  receives  whatever 
is  impressed  upon  it ;  but  that  active,  thinking,  resolute,  con- 
scious, personal  consent  which  distinguishes  the  true  freeman 
from  the  puppet.  When  the  people  of  the  United  States  rise 
to  the  heights  of  this  noble  and  intelligent  self-assertion,  the 
occupation  of  the  party  leader,  —  most  despicable  of  all  tyrants, 
—  will  be  gone  forever;  and  in  order  that  the  people  may 
ascend  to  that  high  plane,  the  means  by  which  intelligence  is 
fostered,  right  reason  exalted,  and  a  calm  and  rational  public 
opinion  produced,  must  be  universally  secured.  The  school  is 
the  fountain  whose  streams  shall  make  glad  all  the  lands  of 
liberty.  We  must  educate  or  perish.  —  John  C.  Ridpatli. 


v  Will  Patriotism  and  Intelligence  alone  insure  the 
preservation  of  Free  Government  ? 

No;  we  need  patriotism,  intelligence,  morality, 
.UK!  religion.  The  destiny  of  the  Nation  and  its 
institutions  is  in  the  hands  of  the  people.  To  make 


THE  PERPETUITY  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.       333 

the  sacrifices  necessary  for  the  discharge  of  their 
public  duties,  the  people  should  be  patriotic ;  to 
administer  their  trust  wisely,  they  should  be  intel- 
ligent ;  to  insure  justice  and  mutual  confidence  and 
respect,  they  should  be  moral ;  to  reach  the  highest 
results  in  personal  life  and  national  character,  they  I 
should  be  religious: 

We  know,  and  what  is  better,  we  feel  inwardly,  that  religion 
is  the  basis  of  civil  society,  and  the  source  of  all  good,  and  of 
all  comfort.  —Edmund  Burke. 

Of  all  the  dispositions  and  habits,  which  lead  to  political 
prosperity,  religion  and  morality  are  indispensable  supports. 
In  vain  would  that  man  claim  the  tribute  of  patriotism,  who 
should  labor  to  subvert  these  great  pillars  of  human  happiness, 
these  firmest  props  of  the  duties  of  men  and  citizens.  The 
mere  politician,  equally  with  the  pious  man,  ought  to  respect 
and  to  cherish  them.  A  volume  could  not  trace  all  their  con- 
nections with  private  and  public  felicity.  Let  it  simply  be 
asked,  Where  is  the  security  for  property,  for  reputation,  for 
life,  if  the  sense  of  religious  obligation  desert  the  oaths,  which 
are  the  instruments  of  investigation  in  courts  of  justice  ?  And 
let  us  with  caution  indulge  the  supposition  that  morality  can 
!>»'  maintained  without  religion.  Whatever  may  be  conceded  to 
the  influence  of  refined  education  on  minds  of  peculiar  struc- 
ture, reason  and  experience  both  forbid  us  to  expect  that 
national  morality  can  prevail  in  exclusion  of  religious  principle. 

—  George  Washington. 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  the  precept  which  lies  at  the 
Inundation  of  the  Christian  code,  —  "Do  unto  others  as  you 
would  have  others  do  unto  you,"  —  was  proclaimed  as  a  moral 


334  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

axiom  centuries  before  the  advent  of  the  Saviour,  and  that  He 
did  not  disdain  to  adopt  it,  stamping  it  with  divine  authority, 
and  prescribing  it  for  the  government  of  mankind.  If  we  are 
to  contend  successfully  against  the  social  and  political  evils 
which  beset  us,  it  must  be  through  a  better  observance  of  this 
and  His  kindred  commands.  —  John  A.  Dix. 

If  the  second  century  of  self-government  is  to  go  on  safely 
to  its  close,  or  is  to  go  on  safely  and  prosperously  at  all,  there 
must  be  some  renewal  of  that  old  spirit  of  subordination  and 
obedience  to  divine,  as  well  as  human  laws,  which  has  been 
our  security  in  the  past.  There  must  be  faith  in  something 
higher  and  better  than  ourselves.  There  must  be  a  reverent 
acknowledgment  of  an  unseen  but  all-seeing  Ruler  of  the 
universe.  His  word,  His  day,  His  house,  His  worship,  must 
be  sacred  to  our  children,  as  they  have  been  to  their  fathers ; 
and  His  blessing  must  never  fail  to  be  invoked  upon  our  land 
and  upon  our  liberties.  —  Robert  C.  Winthrop. 

Christianity  is  the  only  possible  religion  for  the  American 
people,  and  with  Christianity  are  bound  up  all  hopes  for  the 
future.  This  was  strongly  felt  by  Washington,  the  father  of 
his  country,  "First  in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first  in  the 
hearts  of  his  countrymen ; "  and  110  passage  in  his  immor- 
tal farewell  address  is  more  truthful,  wise,  and  worthy  of 
constant  remembrance  by  every  American  statesman  and  citi- 
zen than  that  in  which  he  affirms  the  inseparable  connection 
of  religion  with  morality  and  national  prosperity. 

—  Philip  Schaff. 

Oh,  make  Thou  us,  through  centuries  long, 
In  peace  secure,  in  justice  strong; 
Around  our  gift  of  freedom  draw 
The  safeguards  of  Thy  righteous  law ; 


THE  PERPETUITY  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.       335 

And,  cast  in  some  diviner  mold, 
Let  the  new  cycle  shame  the  old ! 

—  John  G.  Whittier. 


How  does  a  well-regulated  Home  contribute  to  the 
prosperity  of  the  Republic  f 

Under  a  wise  system  of  family  training,  children 
are  taught  to  render  cheerful  obedience  to  rightful 
authority,  to  respect  the  rights  of  others,  and  to 
contribute  their  share  toward  the.  common  good. 
The  home  should  be  the  nursery  of  the  virtues  of 
private  character,  which  is  the  basis  of  good  citizen- 
ship. 

The  safety  of  a  nation  depends  not  alone  on  the  wisdom  of 
its  statesmen  or  the  bravery  of  its  generals.  The  tongue  of 
eloquence  never  saved  a  nation  tottering  to  its  fall ;  the  sword 
of  a  warrior  never  stayed  its  destruction.  There  is  a  surer 
defense  in  every  Christian  home.  —  Henry  B.  W hippie. 

The  family  is  the  nursery  of  the  state.  The  character  of 
the  family  determines  the  character  of  the  state.  The  more, 
therefore,  the  state  magnifies  the  family,  the  more  it  contrib- 
utes to  its  own  elevation  and  advancement ;  and  the  more  it 
belittles  the  family,  the  more  rapidly  it  hastens  its  own  degen- 
eracy and  ruin.  —  Frank  S.  Hoffman. 

The  organized  household  with  its  system  of  government  and 
its  domestic  economy  forms  a  miniature  society,  a  school  of 
discipline.  Parental  affection  supplies  care,  patience,  and  lov- 
ing persistence,  by  which  alone  the  best  results  can  be  secured. 


336  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

Children  are  trained  to  prompt  instinctive  habits,  which  are 
often  more  useful  than  reasoned  conduct ;  they  learn  to  prac- 
tice subordination  and  obedience,  which  are  so  necessary  in 
social  tasks  of  cooperation ;  in  their  relations  with  brothers, 
sisters,  and  parents,  they  are  taught  principles  of  justice,  and 
sentiments  of  courtesy  and  kindness,  which  make  true  social 
life  possible ;  they  are  specially  trained,  usually  with  the  aid 
of  schools  and  other  institutions,  to  perform  certain  of  the 
tasks  which  society  imposes  upon  its  members,  and  thus  are 
prepared  to  take  their  places  in  the  social  organism. 

—  Small  and  Vincent. 

The  man  who  kindles  the  fire  on  the  hearthstone  of  an 
honest  and  righteous  home  burns  the  best  incense  to  liberty. 
He  does  not  love  mankind  less  who  loves  his  neighbor  most. 
Exalt  the  citizen.  As  the  state  is  the  unit  of  government,  he 
is  the  unit  of  the  state.  Teach  him  that  his  home  is  his 
castle,  and  his  sovereignty  rests  beneath  his  hat.  Make  him 
self-respecting,  self-reliant,  and  responsible.  Let  him  lean  on 
the  state  for  nothing  that  his  own  arm  can  do,  and  on  the  gov- 
ernment for  nothing  that  his  state  can  do.  Let  him  cultivate 
independence  to  the  point  of  sacrifice,  and  learn  that  humble 
things  with  unbartered  liberty  are  better  than  splendors  bought 
with  its  price.  —Henry  W.  Grady. 

By  the  gathering  round  the  winter  hearth, 

When  twilight  called  unto  household  mirth; 

By  the  fairy  tale  or  the  legend  old 

In  that  ring  of  happy  faces  told; 

By  the  quiet  hour  when  hearts  unite 

In  the  parting  prayer  and  the  kind  "  good  night ! " 

By  the  smiling  eye,  and  the  loving  tone, 

Over  thy  life  has  the  spell  been  thrown. 


THE   PERPETUITY  OF   THE   REPUBLIC.  337 

And  bless  that  gift !  —  it  hath  gentle  might, 
A  guardian  power  and  a  guiding  light. 
It  hath  led  the  freeman  forth  to  stand 
In  the  mountain  battles  of  his  land ; 
It  hath  brought  the  wanderer  o'er  the  seas 
To  die  on  the  hills  of  his  own  fresh  breeze ; 
And  back  to  the  gates  of  his  father's  hall 
It  hath  led  the  weeping  prodigal. 

—  Felicia  D.  Hemans. 


How  can  Schools  aid  in  perpetuating  the  Republic,  ? 

By  training  their  pupils  to  be  truthful,  honest, 
and  faithful  to  trusts ;  to  be  independent  and  self- 
respectful  ;  to  love  learning  and  to  be  public  spirited. 
Culture,  character,  and  good  citizenship  are  the  rich 
results  of  wise  school  training. 

As  there  is  one  end  in  view  in  every  city,  it  is  evident  that 
education  ought  to  be  one  and  the  same  in  all ;  and  that  this 
should  be  a  common  care,  and  not  that  of  each  individual,  as  it 
now  is,  when  every  one  takes  care  of  his  own  children,  sepa- 
rately, and  each  parent  in  private  teaches  them  as  he  pleases, 
but  the  training  of  what  belongs  to  all  ought  to  be  in  common. 

—  Aristotle. 

Let  the  soldier  be  abroad  if  he  will,  he  can  do  nothing  in 
this  age.  There  is  another  personage,  a  personage  less  imposing 
in  the  eyes  of  some,  perhaps  insignificant.  The  schoolmaster 
is  abroad,  and  I  trust  to  him,  armed  with  his  primer,  against 
the  soldier  in  full  military  array.  —  Lord  Brougham. 

Where  shall  we  go  to  find  an  agency  that  can  uphold  and 

PAT.  CIT.  —  22 


338  PATRIOTIC  CITIZENSHIP. 

renovate  declining  public  virtue?  Where  should  we  go  but 
there,  where  the  Promethean  fire  is  ever  to  be  rekindled 
until  it  shall  finally  expire,  where  motives  are  formed  and  pas- 
sions disciplined?  To  the  domestic  fireside  and  humbler 
school,  where  the  American  citizen  is  trained.  Instruct  him 
there,  that  it  will  not  be  enough  that  he  can  claim  for  his 
country  Lacedaemonian  heroism,  but  that  more  than  Spartan 
valor  and  more  than  Roman  magnificence  is  required  of  her. 

—  William  H.  Seward. 

The  work  of  the  school  produces  self-respect,  because  the 
pupil  makes  himself  the  measure  of  his  fellows,  and  grows  to 
be  equal  to  them  spiritually  by  the  mastery  of  their  wisdom. 
Self-respect  is  the  root  of  the  virtues  and  the  active  cause  of  a 
career  of  growth  in  power  to  know  and  power  to  do.  Webster 
called  the  schools  "a  wise  and  liberal  system  of  police,  by 
which  property  and  peace  of  society  are  secured."  He  explained 
the  effect  of  the  school  as  exciting  "  a  feeling  of  responsibility 
and  a  sense  of  character."  —  William  T.  Harris. 

Again,  each  morning  as  we  pass 

The  city's  streets  along, 
We  hear  the  voices  of  the  class 

Ring  out  the  Nation's  song. 

The  small  boy's  treble  piping  clear, 

The  bigger  boy's  low  growl, 
And  from  the  boy  who  has  no  ear, 

A  weird,  discordant  howl. 

With  swelling  hearts  we  hear  them  sing, 

"  My  Country,  'tis  of  thee  "  - 
From  childish  throats  the  anthem  ring, 

"  Sweet  land  of  liberty  ! " 


THE   PERPETUITY  OF  TI1K    KKl'UBLIC.  339 

Their  little  hearts  aglow  with  pride. 

Each,  with  exultant  tongue, 
Proclaims :  "  From  every  mountain  side 

Let  Freedom's  song  be  sung." 

Let  him  who'd  criticise  the  time, 

Or  scout  the  harmony, 
Betake  him  to  some  other  clime  — 

No  patriot  is  he ! 

From  scenes  like  these  our  grandeur  springs, 

And  we  shall  e'er  be  strong, 
While  o'er  the  land  the  schoolhouse  rings 

Each  day  with  Freedom's  song. 

—  Anonymous. 


Why  do  the  States  a/if/  the  Nation  maintain  Schools 
at  public  expense,  and  foster  and  encourage,  in  other 
ways,  Universal  Education  ? 

The  perpetuity  of  republican  government,  the  wel- 
fare of  the  Nation,  and  the  progress  of  civilization, 
depend  very  largely  upon  universal  education.  Self 
preservation  prompts  the  State  to  look  well  to  the 
wise  training  of  its  future  citizens. 

No  system  of  education  is  worthy  the  name,  unless  it 
creates  a  great  educational  ladder,  with  one  end  in  the  gutter 
and  the  other  in  the  university.  —  Thomas  H.  Huxley. 

Education  should  not  only  be  sufficient  in  amount  and  good 
in  quality,  but  it  should  be  universal.  No  child  ought  to  be 
permitted  to  grow  up  without  its  benefits.  The  single  cess- 
pool, the  single  case  of  the  contagious  disease,  neglected  by 


340  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

sanitary  customs,  may  imperil  the  whole  city.  So,  under  the 
operation  of  the  social  and  moral  nature  of  man,  the  children 
or  the  single  child  not  subjected  to  well-directed  instruction, 
may  become  the  origin  of  evil  which  shall  imperil  every  dollar 
of  property,  every  life,  and  the  character  of  every  individual 
in  the  community.  Educators  must  contemplate  the  whole 
body  politic.  —John  Eaton. 

The  school  system  of  the  future  must  have  life  in  itself ;  no 
dead  forms  will  suffice.  It  must  be  American,  in  its  deepest 
significance,  liberty-loving,  liberty-promoting.  As  a  friend  to 
true  liberty,  it  must  encourage  industry,  sobriety,  impartiality. 
It  must  inculcate  love  of  order  and  respect  for  law.  Its  course 
must  widen  in  the  principles  of  government,  the  theory  of  poli- 
tics, the  resources  of  the  people,  questions  of  economy  in  indusr 
tries  and  in  finance,  the  responsibilities  of  office-holding,  with 
more  patriotic  and  less  personal  ends  in  view,  the  sacredness  of 
the  ballot,  the  emblem  of  a  freeman's  power  and  the  pledge  of 
a  freeman's  honor.  The  school  of  the  future  must  impress 
upon  the  pupil  the  value  of  American  citizenship  in  all  political 
and  economic  relations.  —  Josiah  L.  Pickard. 

In  France  they  spend  $4.00  per  capita  on  the  army  and  70 
cents  per  capita  on  education.  In  England  they  spend  $3.72 
per  capita  on  the  army  and  62  cents  per  capita  011  education. 
In  Prussia  they  spend  $2.04  per  capita  on  the  army  and  50 
cents  per  capita  on  education.  In  Italy  they  spend  $1.52  per 
capita  on  the  army  and  36  cents  per  capita  on  education.  In 
Austria  they  spend  $1.36  per  capita  on  the  army  and  32  cents 
per  capita  on  education.  In  Russia  they  spend  $2.04  per 
capita  on  the  army  and  3  cents  per  capita  on  education.  In 
the  United  States  we  spend  39  cents  per  capita  on  the  army 
and  $1.35  per  capita  on  education.  —  Wayland  Hoyt. 


THE  PERPETUITY  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.       341 

The  church  is  the  mightiest,  most  pervasive,  most  benefi- 
cent force  in  our  civilization.  It  affects,  directly  or  indirectly, 
all  human  activities  and  interests.  It  is  a  large  property- 
holder,  and  influences  the  market  for  real  estate.  It  is  a  corpo- 
ration, and  administers  large  trusts.  It  is  a  public  institution, 
and  is  therefore  the  subject  of  protective  legislation.  It  is 
a  capitalist,  and  gathers  and  distributes  large  wealth.  It  is 
an  employer,  and  furnishes  means  of  support  to  ministers, 
organists,  singers,  janitors,  and  others.  It  is  a  relief  organiza- 
tion, feeding  the  hungry,  clothing  the  naked,  and  assisting  the 
destitute.  It  is  a  university,  training  children  and  instructing 
old  and  young  by  public  lectures  on  religion,  morals,  industry, 
thrift,  and  the  duties  of  citizenship.  It  is  a  reformatory 
influence,  recovering  the  vicious,  immoral,  and  dangerous  ele- 
ments of  society  and  making  them  exemplary  citizens.  It  is 
organized  beneficence,  founding  hospitals  for  the  sick,  asylums 
for  orphans,  refuges  for  the  homeless,  and  schools,  colleges, 
and  universities  for  the  ignorant.  Every  cornerstone  it  lays, 
it  lays  for  humanity ;  every  temple  it  opens,  it  opens  to  the 
world;  its  ministers  are  messengers  of  good  tidings,  ambassa- 
dors of  hope,  and  angels  of  mercy.  What  is  there  among 
men  to  compare  with  the  church  in  its  power  to  educate,  ele- 
vate, and  civilize  mankind  ?  —  Henmj  K.  Cawoll. 

The  fireside,  the  pulpit,  the  school,  and  the  shop  must  be 
linked  and  leagued  together.  Each  must  help  every  other. 
Home  must  connect  itself  in  all  its  firm  authorities,  sweet 
affections,  and  tender  influences,  with  pulpit,  school,  and  shop. 
Pulpit  must  send  its  reverence,  faith,  and  hope,  its  lofty 
moral  and  religious  standards  and  its  sacred  magnetisms  into 
home,  school,  and  shop.  School  must  reach  with  its  habits  of 
honest,  concentrated,  and  continuous  thinking,  its  wealth  of 


342  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

learning  and  its  broad  horizons,  pulpit,  home,  and  shop,  and 
shop  must  put  its  knowledge  of  men  and  things,  its  tact, 
industry,  and  economy,  and  its  wholesome  common  sense  into 
the  administrations  of  the  family,  the  utterances  of  the  pulpit, 
and  the  instructions  of  the  school.  —  John  H.  Vincent. 

AMERICA. 

0  mother  of  a  mighty  race, 
Yet  lovely  in  thy  youthful  grace ! 
The  elder  dames,  thy  haughty  peers,  * 
Admire  and  hate  thy  blooming  years ; 

With  words  of  shame 
And  taunts  of  scorn  they  join  thy  name. 

They  know  not  in  their  hate  and  pride, 
What  virtues  with  thy  children  bide,  — 
How  true,  how  good,  thy  graceful  maids 
Make  bright,  like  flowers,  the  valley  shades ; 

What  generous  men 
Spring,  like  thine  oaks,  by  hill  and  glen. 

What  cordial  welcomes  greet  the  guest 
By  thy  lone  rivers  of  the  West ; 
How  faith  is  kept,  and  truth  revered, 
And  man  is  loved  and  God  is  feared, 

In  woodland  homes, 
And  where  the  ocean  border  foams. 

There's  freedom  at  thy  gates,  and  rest 
For  earth's  down-trodden  and  opprest, 
A  shelter  for  the  hunted  head, 
For  the  starved  laborer  toil  and  bread. 

Power  at  thy  bounds 
Stops,  and  calls  back  his  baffled  hounds. 


THE  PERPETUITY  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.       343* 

0  fair  young  mother  !  on  thy  brow 
Shall  sit  a  nobler  grace  than  now. 
Deep  in  the  brightness  of  thy  skies 
The  thronging  years  in  glory  rise, 

And,  as  they  fleet, 
Drop  strength  and  riches  at  thy  feet. 

Thine  eye  with  every  coming  hour 

Shall  brighten,  and  thy  fame  shall  tower ; 

And  when  thy  sisters,  elder  born, 

Would  brand  thy  name  with  words  of  scorn, 

Before  thine  eye 
Upon  their  lips  the  taunt  shall  die. 

—  William  Cullen  Bryant. 


GOD    SAVE    THE    STATE. 

God  bless  our  native  land ! 
Firm  may  she  ever  stand, 

Through  storm  and  night! 
When  the  wild  tempests  rave, 
Ruler  of  wind  and  wave, 
Do  Thou  our  country  save 

By  Thy  great  might. 

For  her  our  prayer  shall  rise 
To  God  above  the  skies ; 

On  Him  we  wait : 
Thou  who  art  ever  nigh, 
Guarding  with  watchful  eye, 
To  Thee  aloud  we  cry, 

God  save  the  State.        —  Charles  Brooks. 


344  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

FREEDOM,    OUR    QUEEN. 

Land  where  the  banners  wave  last  in  the  sun, 
Blazoned  with  star-clusters,  many  in  one, 
Floating  o'er  prairie  and  mountain  and  sea ; 
Hark,  'tis  the  voice  of  thy  children  to  thee ! 

Here  at  thine  altar  our  vows  we  renew, 
Still  in  thy  cause  to  be  loyal  and  true  — 
True  to  thy  flag  of  the  field  and  the  wave, 
Living  to  honor  it,  dying  to  save  ! 

Mother  of  heroes  !  if  perfidy's  blight 
Fall  on  a  star  in  thy  garland  of  light, 
Sound  but  one  bugle-blast !     Lo !  at  the  sign, 
Armies  all  panoplied  wheel  into  line ! 

Hope  of  the  world !  thou  hast  broken  its  chains  — 
Wear  thy  bright  arms  while  a  tyrant  remains ; 
Stand  for  the  right  till  the  nations  shall  own 
Freedom  their  sovereign,  with  law  for  her  throne ! 

Freedom  !  sweet  freedom  !  our  voices  resound, 
Queen  by  God's  blessing,  unsceptered,  uncrowned ! 
Freedom  !  sweet  freedom  !  our  pulses  repeat, 
Warm  with  her  life-blood,  as  long  as  they  beat ! 

Fold  the  broad  banner-stripes  over  her  breast, 
Crown  her  with  star-jewels,  Queen  of  the  West ! 
Earth  for  her  heritage,  God  for  her  friend, 
She  shall  reign  over  us,  world  without  end ! 

—  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes. 


CONSTITUTION   OF   THE   UNITED   STATES.1 


Preamble.  —  WE  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a 
more  perfect  union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide 
for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the 
blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity,  do  ordain  and  estab- 
lish this  Constitution  for  the  United  States  of  America. 

ARTICLE  I. — Section  i.  All  legislative  powers  herein  granted 
shall  be  vested  in  a  Congress  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  consist 
of  a  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives. 

Section  2.  1  The  House  of  Ilt-pivscntatives  shall  be  composed  of 
members  chosen  every  second  year  by  the  people  of  the  several  States, 
and  the  electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the  qualifications  requisite  for 
electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  State  Legislature. 

2  No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall  not  have  attained  to 
the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  and  been  seven  years  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that  State  in 
which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

3  Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  sev- 
eral States  which  may  be  included  within  this  Union,  according  to  their 
respective  numbers,  which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to  the  whole 
number  of  free  persons,  including  those  bound  to  service  for  a  term  of 
years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three  fifths  of  all  other  persons. 
The  actual  enumeration  shall  be  made  within  three  years  after  the  first 
meeting  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  within  every  subse- 
quent term  of  ten  years,  in  such  manner  as  they  shall  by  law  direct.     The 
number  of  Representatives  shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  thirty  thousand, 
but  each  State  shall  have  at  least  one  representative;  and  until  such 
enumeration  shall  be  made,  the  State  of  New  Hampshire  shall  be  entitled 
to  choose  three,  Massachusetts  eight,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plan- 


1  This  copy  of  the  Constitution  follows,  in  text  and  punctuation,  the  Rolls  in  the 
Department  of  State  at  Washington. 

345 


346  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

tations  one,  Connecticut  five,  New  York  six,  New  Jersey  four,  Pennsyl- 
vania eight,  Delaware  one,  Maryland  six,  Virginia  ten,  North  Carolina 
five,  South  Carolina  five,  and  Georgia  three. 

4  When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  from  any  State,  the 
executive  authority  thereof  shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill  such  vacan- 
cies. 

5  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  their  speaker  and  other 
officers  ;  and  shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeachment. 

Section  3.  1  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two 
senators  from  each  State,  chosen  by  the  Legislature  thereof,  for  six  years  ; 
and  each  senator  shall  have  one  vote. 

2  Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  consequence  of  the  first 
election,  they  shall  be  divided  as  equally  as  may  be  into  three  classes. 
The  seats  of  the  senators  of  the  first  class  shall  be  vacated  at  the  expira- 
tion of  the  second  year,  of  the  second  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  fourth 
year,  and  of  the  third  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  sixth  year,  so  that 
one  third  may  be  chosen  every  second  year ;  and  if  vacancies  happen  by 
resignation,  or  otherwise,  during  the  recess  of  the  Legislature  of  any  State, 
the  executive  thereof  may  make  temporary  appointments  until  the  next 
meeting  of  the  Legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  such  vacancies. 

3  No  person  shall  be  a  senator  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age 
of  thirty  years,  and  been  nine  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and 
who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that  State  for  which  he 
shall  be  chosen. 

4  The  Vice  President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  President  of  the 
Senate,  but  shall  have  no  vote,  unless  they  be  equally  divided. 

5  The  Senate  shall  choose  their  other  officers,  and  also  a  president  pro 
tcmpore,  in  the  absence  of  the  Vice  President,  or  when  he  shall  exercise 
the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 

6  The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments. 
When  sitting  for  that  purpose,  they  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation. 
When  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  tried,  the  chief-justice  shall 
preside  :  and  no  person  shall  be  convicted  without  the  concurrence  of 
two  thirds  of  the  members  present. 

7  Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not  extend  farther  than  to 
removal  from  office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and  enjoy  any  office  of 
honor,  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States  :  but  the  party  convicted 
shall  nevertheless  be  liable  and  subject  to  indictment,  trial,  judgment  and 
punishment,  according  to  law. 

Section  4.  1  The  times,  places  and  manner  of  holding  elections  for 
senators  and  representatives,  shall  be  prescribed  in  each  State  by  the 


CONSTITUTION  OF   THE    UNITED   STATES.  347 

Legislature  thereof ;  but  the  Congress  may  at  any  time  by  law  make  or 
alter  such  regulations,  except  as  to  the  places  of  choosing  senators. 

2  The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  year,  and  such 
meeting  shall  be  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  unless  they  shall  by 
law  appoint  a  different  day. 

Section  5.  1  Each  house  shall  be  the  judge  of  the  elections,  returns 
and  qualifications  of  its  own  members,  and  a  majority  of  each  shall  con- 
stitute a  quorum  to  do  business  ;  but  a  smaller  number  may  adjourn  from 
day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized  to  compel  the  attendance  of  absent 
members,  in  such  manner,  and  under  such  penalties  as  each  house  may 
provide. 

2  Each  house  may  determine  the  rules  of  its  proceedings,  punish  its 
members  for  disorderly  behavior,  and,  with  the  concurrence  of  two  thirds, 
expel  a  member. 

3  Each  house  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  proceedings,  and  from  time  to 
time  publish  the  same,  excepting  such  parts  as  may  in  their  judgment 
require  secrecy  ;  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  members  of  either  house 
on  any  question  shall,  at  the  desire  of  one  fifth  of  those  present,  be 
entered  on  the  journal. 

4  Neither  house,  during  the  session  of  Congress,  shall,  without  the 
consent  of  the  other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days,  nor  to  any  other 
jtla.ee  Mian  that,  in  whieli  the  two  houses  shall  be  sitting. 

Section  6.  1  The  senators  and  representatives  shall  receive  a  com- 
pensation for  their  services,  to  be  ascertained  by  law,  and  paid  out  of  the 
treasury  of  the  t  nii.d  States.  They  si i all  in  all  cases,  except  treason, 
felony  and  breach  of  the  peace,  be  privileged  from  arrest  during  their 
attendance  at  the  session  of  their  respective  houses,  and  in  going  to  and 
returning  from  the  same  ;  and  for  any  speech  or  debate  in  either  house, 
they  shall  not  be  questioned  in  any  other  place. 

2  No  senator  or  representative  shall,  during  the  time  for  which  he  was 
elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the  authority  of  the  United 
Stales,  which  shall  have  been  created,  or  the  emoluments  whereof  shall 
have  been  increased  during  such  time  ;  and  no  person  holding  any  office 
under  the  United  States,  shall  be  a  member  of  either  house  during  his 
continuance  in  office. 

Section  7.  1  All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  ;  but  the  Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with  amend- 
ments as  on  other  bills. 

2  Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  and 
the  Senate,  shall,  before  it  become  a  law,  be  presented  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States ;  if  he  approve  he  shall  sign  it,  but  if  not  he  shall 


848  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

return  it,  with  his  objections  to  that  house  in  which  it  shall  have  origi- 
nated, who  shall  enter  the  objections  at  large  on  their  journal,  and  proceed 
to  reconsider  it.  If  after  such  reconsideration  two  thirds  of  that  house 
shall  agree  to  pass  the  bill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the  objections, 
to  the  other  house,  by  which  it  shall  likewise  be  reconsidered,  and  if 
approved  by  two  thirds  of  that  house,  it  shall  become  a  law.  But  in  all 
such  cases  the  votes  of  both  houses  shall  be  determined  by  yeas  and  nays, 
and  the  names  of  the  persons  voting  for  and  against  the  bill  shall  be 
entered  on  the  journal  of  each  house  respectively.  If  any  bill  shall  not 
be  returned  by  the  President  within  ten  days  (Sundays  excepted)  after  it 
shall  have  been  presented  to  him,  the  same  shall  be  a  law,  in  like  manner 
as  if  he  had  signed  it,  unless  the  Congress  by  their  adjournment  prevent 
its  return,  in  which  case  it  shall  not  be  a  law. 

3  Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote  to  which  the  concurrence  of  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  may  be  necessary  (except  on  a 
question  of  adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States  ;  and  before  the  same  shall  take  effect,  shall  be  approved 
by  him,  or  being  disapproved  by  him,  shall  be  repassed  by  two  thirds  of 
the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  according  to  the  rules  and 
limitations  prescribed  in  the  case  of  a  bill. 

Section  8.     The  Congress  shall  have  power 

1  To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts  and  excises,  to  pay  the 
debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare  of  the 
United  States ;  but   all  duties,  imposts  and   excises  shall  be  uniform 
throughout  the  United  States  ; 

2  To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States  ; 

3  To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  among  the  several 
States,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes  ; 

4  To  establish  an  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,  and  uniform  laws  on 
the  subject  of  bankruptcies  throughout  the  United  States  ; 

5  To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of  foreign  coin,  and 
fix  the  standard  of  weights  and  measures  ; 

6  To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  securities  and 
current  coin  of  the  United  States  ; 

7  To  establish  post-offices  and  post-roads  ; 

8  To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful  arts,  by  securing  for 
limited  times  to  authors  and  inventors  the  exclusive  right  to  their  respec- 
tive writings  and  discoveries  ; 

9  To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme  Court ; 

10  To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the  high 
seas,  and  offences  against  the  law  of  nations ; 


CONSTITUTION   OF   THE   UNITED   STATES.  349 

11  To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  make 
rules  concerning  captures  on  land  and  water ; 

12  To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appropriation  of  money  to 
that  use  shall  be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years  ; 

13  To  provide  and  maintain  a  navy  ; 

14  To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the  land  and 
naval  forces ; 

15  To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of  the 
Union,  suppress  insurrections  and  repel  invasions  ; 

16  To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining  the  militia,  and 
for  governing  such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  reserving  to  the  States  respectively,  the  appointment  of  the 
officers,  and  the  authority  of  training  the  militia  according  to  the  disci- 
pline prescribed  by  Congress ; 

17  To  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  over  such 
district  (not  exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession  of  particular 
States  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the  seat  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  and  to  exercise  like  authority  over  all  places 
purchased  by  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  in  which  the 
same  shall  be,  for  the  erection  of  forts,  magazines,  arsenals,  dock-yards, 
and  other  needful  buildings  ;  and 

18  To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying 
into  execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  powers  vested  by  this 
Constitution  in  the  government  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  depart- 
ment or  officer  thereof. 

Section  9.  1  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any 
of  the  States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  pro- 
hibited by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
Hii'lit,  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be  imposed  on  such  importation,  not  exceed- 
ing ten  dollars  for  each  person. 

2  The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  suspended, 
unless  when   in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion  the  public  safety  may 
require  it. 

3  No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  post  facto  law  shall  be  passed. 

4  No  capitation,  or  other  direct,  tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in  propor- 
tion to  the  census  or  enumeration  hereinbefore  directed  to  be  taken. 

5  No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any  State. 

6  No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regulation  of  commerce  or  reve- 
nue to  the  ports  of  one  State  over  those  of  another :  nor  shall  vessels 
humid  to,  or  from,  one  State,  be  obliged  to  enter,  clear,  or  pay  duties  in 
another. 


350  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

7  No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  treasury,  but  in  consequence  of 
appropriations  made  by  law  ;  and  a  regular  statement  and  account  of  the 
receipts  and  expenditures  of  all  public  money  shall  be  published  from 
time  to  time. 

8  No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States :  and  no 
person  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  them,  shall,  without  the 
consent  of  the  Congress,  accept  of  any  present,  emolument,  office,  or  title, 
of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any  king,  prince,  or  foreign  state. 

Section  10.  1  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  con- 
federation ;  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal ;  coin  money  ;  emit  bills 
of  credit ;  make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender  in  payment 
of  debts ;  pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex  post  facto  law,  or  law  impairing 
the  obligation  of  contracts  ;  or  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

2  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay  any  imposts 
or  duties  on  imports  or  exports,  except  what  may  be  absolutely  necessary 
for  executing  its  inspection  laws :  and  the  net  produce  of  all  duties  and 
imposts,  laid  by  any  State  on  imports  or  exports,  shall  be  for  the  use  of 
the  treasury  of  the  United  States  ;  and  all  such  laws  shall  be  subject  to 
the  revision  and  control  of  the  Congress. 

3  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any  duty  of 
tonnage,  keep  troops,  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace,  enter  into  any 
agreement  or  compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a  foreign  power,  or 
engage  in  war,  unless  actually  invaded,  or  in  such  imminent  danger  as 
will  not  admit  of  delay. 

ARTICLE  II.  —  Section  i.  1  The  executive  power  shall  be  vested 
in  a  President  of  the  United  States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his  office 
during  the  term  of  four  years,  and,  together  with  the  Vice  President, 
chosen  for  the  same  term,  be  elected  as  follows : 

2  Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  the  Legislature  thereof 
may  direct,  a  number  of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole  number  of  senators 
and  representatives  to  which  the  State  may  be  entitled  in  the  Congress : 
but  no  senator-  or  representative,  or  person  holding  an  office  of  trust  or 
profit  under  the  United  States,  shall  be  appointed  an  elector. 

[The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respectives  States,  and  vote  by  ballot 
for  two  persons,  of  whom  one  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the 
same  State  with  themselves.  And  they  shall  make  a  list  of  all  the  per- 
sons voted  for,  and  of  the  number  of  votes  for  each  ;  which  list  they  shall 
sign  and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  government  of  I  lie 
United  States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate.  The  President  of 
the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa- 
tives, open  all  the  certiticates,  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted.  The 


CONSTITUTION   OF   THE    UNITED   STATES.  351 

person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  shall  be  the  President,  if  such 
number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed  ;  and  if 
there  be  more  than  one  who  have  such  majority,  and  have  an  equal  num- 
ber of  votes,  then  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  immediately  choose 
by  ballot  one  of  them  for  President ;  and  if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then 
from  the  live  highest  on  the  list  the  said  House  shall  in  like  manner  choose 
the  President.  But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by 
States,  the  representation  from  each  State  having  one  vote  ;  a  quorum  for 
this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two  thirds  of  the 
States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  In 
every  case,  after  the  choice  of  the  President,  the  person  having  the  great- 
est number  of  votes  of  the  electors  shall  be  the  Vice  President.  But  if 
there  should  remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  votes,  the  Senate  shall 
choose  from  them  by  ballot  the  Vice  President.] 

3  The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  electors,  and 
the  day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  votes ;  which  day  shall  be  the  same 
throughout  the  United  States. 

4  No  person  except  a  natural-born  citizen,  or  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  eligible  to 
tin-  office  of  President ;  neither  shall  any  person  be  eligible  to  that  office 
who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of  thirty-five  years,  and  been  four- 
teen years  a  resident  within  the  United  States. 

5  In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of  his  death, 
resignation,  or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  said 
office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on  the  Vice  President,  and  the  Congress 
may  by  law  provide  for  the  case  of  removal,  death,  resignation  or  inabil- 
ity, both  of  tin-  President  and  Vice  President,  declaring  what  officer  shall 
then  act  as  President,  and  such  officer  shall  act  accordingly,  until  the  dis- 
ability be  removed,  or  a  President  shall  be  elected. 

G  The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  his  services,  a  com- 
pensation, which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished  during  the 
period  for  which  he  shall  have  been  elected,  and  he  shall  not  receive  within 
that  period  any  other  emolument  from  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them. 

7  Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office,  he  shall  take  the  fol- 
lowing oath  or  affirmation :  — 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office 
of  President  of  the  United  States,  and  will  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  pre- 
serve, protect  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

Section  2.  1  The  President  shall  be  commander-in-chief  of  the  army 
and  navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  States, 
when  called  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States  ;  he  may  require 


352  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

the  opinion,  in  writing,  of  the  principal  officer  in  each  of  the  executive 
departments,  upon  any  subject  relating  to  the  duties  of  their  respective 
offices,  and  he  shall  have  power  to  grant  reprieves  and  pardons  for 
offences  against  the  United  States,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment. 

2  He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate,  to  make  treaties,  provided  two  thirds  of  the  senators  present 
concur  ;  and  he  shall  nominate,  and  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent 
of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and  con- 
suls, judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all  other  officers  of  the  United 
States,  whose  appointments  are  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for,  and 
which  shall  be  established  by  law :  but  the  Congress  may  by  law  vest  the 
appointment  of  such  inferior  officers,  as  they  think  proper,  in  the  Presi- 
dent alone,  in  the  courts  of  law,  or  in  the  heads  of  departments. 

3  The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that  may 
happen  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  commissions  which 
shall  expire  at  the  end  of  their  next  session. 

Section  3.  He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress  information 
of  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their  consideration  such 
measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient ;  he  may,  on  extraor- 
dinary occasions,  convene  both  houses,  or  either  of  them,  and  in  case 
of  disagreement  between  them,  with  respect  to  the  time  of  adjournment, 
he  may  adjourn  them  to  such  time  as  he  shall  think  proper ;  he  shall 
receive  ambassadors  and  other  public  ministers ;  he  shall  take  care  that 
the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  shall  commission  all  the  officers  of 
the  United  States. 

Section  4.  The  President,  Vice  President  and  all  civil  officers  of  the 
United  States,  shall  be  removed  from  office  on  impeachment  for,  and 
conviction  of,  treason,  bribery,  or  other  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE  III.  —  Section  i.  The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  vested  in  one  supreme  Court,  and  in  such  inferior  Courts  as  the 
Congress  may  from  time  to  time  ordain  arid  establish.  The  judges,  both 
of  the  supreme  and  inferior  Courts,  shall  hold  their  offices  during  good 
behavior,  and  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  their  services,  a  compen- 
sation, which  shall  not  be  diminished  during  their  continuance  in  office. 

Section  2.  1  The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  cases,  in  law  and 
equity,  arising  under  this  Constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
and  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their  authority  ;  to  all 
cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers,  and  consuls  ;  to  all 
cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdiction  ;  to  controversies  to  which 
the  United  States  shall  be  a  party  ;  to  controversies  between  two  or 
more  States  ;  between  a  State  and  citizens  of  another  State ;  between 


CONSTITUTION   OF   THE   UNITED   STATES.  353 

citizens  of  different  States  ;  between  citizens  of  the  same  State  claiming 
lands  under  grants  of  different  States  ;  and  between  a  State,  or  the  citi- 
zens thereof,  and  foreign  states,  citizens  or  subjects. 

2  In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and  con- 
suls, and  those  in  which  a  State  shall  be  party,  the  Supreme  Court  shall 
have  original  jurisdiction.     In  all  the  other  cases  before  mentioned,  the 
Supreme  Court  shall  have  appellate  jurisdiction,  both  as  to  law  and  fact, 
with  such  exceptions,  and  under  such  regulations  as  the  Congress  shall 
make. 

3  The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment,  shall  be  by 
jury  ;  and  such  trial  shall  be  held  in  the  State  where  the  said  crimes  shall 
have  been  committed  ;  but  when  not  committed  within  any  State,  the 
trial  shall  be  at  such  place  or  places  as  the  Congress  may  by  law  have 
directed. 

Section  3.  1  Treason  against  the  United  States,  shall  consist  only  in 
levying  war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them 
aid  and  comfort.  No  person  shall  be  convicted  of  treason  unless  on  the 
testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the  same  overt  act,  or  on  confession  in 
open  court. 

2  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  punishment  of 
treason,  but  no  attainder  of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of  blood,  or 
forfeiture  except  during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted. 

ARTICLE  IV. —Section  i.  Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in 
each  State  to  the  public  acts,  records,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  every 
other  State.  And  the  Congress  may  by  general  laws  prescribe  the  man- 
ner in  which  such  acts,  records  and  proceedings  shall  be  proved,  and  the 
effect  thereof. 

Section  2.  1  .The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privi- 
leges and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States. 

2  A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or  other  crime, 
who  shall  flee  from  justice,  and  be  found  in  another  State,  shall  on  demand 
of  the  executive  authority  of  the  State  from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up, 
to  be  removed  to  the  State  having  jurisdiction  of  the  crime. 

3  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws 
thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  reg- 
ulation therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be 
delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may 
be  due. 

Section  3.    1  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  this 
Union  ;  but  no  new  State  shall  be  formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  any  other  State ;  nor  any  State  be  formed  by  the  junction  of  two  or 
PAT.  CIT.  —  23 


354  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

more  States,  or  parts  of  States,  without  the  consent  of  the  Legislatures  of 
the  States  concerned  as  well  as  of  the  Congress. 

2  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful 
rules  and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other  property  belonging 
to  the  United  States ;  and  nothing  in  this  Constitution  shall  be  so  con- 
strued as  to  prejudice  any  claims  of  the  United  States,  or  of  any  particular 
State. 

Section  4.  The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this 
Union  a  republican  form  of  government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them 
against  invasion ;  and  on  application  of  the  Legislature,  or  of  the  execu- 
tive (when  the  Legislature  cannot  be  convened),  against  domestic  violence. 

ARTICLE  V. — The  Congress,  whenever  two  thirds  of  both  houses 
shall  deem  it  necessary,  shall-  propose  amendments  to  this  Constitution, 
or,  on  the  application  of  the  Legislatures  of  two  thirds  of  the  several  States, 
shall  call  a  convention  for  proposing  amendments,  which,  in  either  case, 
shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of  this  Constitution,  when 
ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  three  fourths  of  the  several  States,  or  by 
conventions  in  three  fourths  thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other  mode  of  ratifi- 
cation may  be  proposed  by  the  Congress ;  provided  that  no  amendment 
which  may  be  made  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
eight  shall  in  any  manner  affect  the  first  and  fourth  clauses  in  the  ninth 
section  of  the  first  Article ;  and  that  no  State,  without  its  consent,  shall 
be  deprived  of  its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate. 

ARTICLE  VI.  —  1  All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered 
into,  before  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  as  valid  against 
the  United  States  under  this  Constitution,  as  under  the  Confederation. 

2  This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall  be 
made  in  pursuance  thereof;   and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be 
made,  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land  ;  and  the  judges  in  every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby, 
anything  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  notwith- 
standing. 

3  The  senators  and  representatives  before  mentioned,  and  the  members 
of  the  several  State  Legislatures,  and  all  executive  and  judicial  officers, 
both  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  several  States,  shall  be  bound  by 
oath  or  affirmation  to  support  this  Constitution ;   but  no  religious  test 
shall  ever  be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any  office  or  public  trust  under 
the  United  States. 

ARTICLE  VII. —The  ratification  of  the  conventions  of  nine  States, 
shall  be  sufficient  for  the  establishment  of  this  Constitution  between  the 
States  so  ratifying  the  same. 


CONSTITUTION   OF   THE   UNITED   STATES.  355 

Done  in  Convention  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  States  present  the 
seventeenth  day  of  September  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  eighty-seven  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United 
States  of  America  the  twelfth.  In  witness  whereof  we  have  hereunto 
subscribed  our  names. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  President  and  Deputy  from  Virginia. 

New  Hampshire.  —  John  Langdon,  Nicholas  Oilman. 

Massachusetts. — Nathaniel  Gorham,  Rufus  King. 

Connecticut.  — William  Samuel  Johnson,  Roger  Sherman. 

New  York.  —  Alexander  Hamilton. 

New  Jersey. — William  Livingston,  William  Paterson,  David  Brearley, 
Jonathan  Dayton. 

Pennsylvania.  — Benjamin  Franklin,  Robert  Morris,  Thomas  Fitzsimons, 
James  Wilson,  Thomas  Mifflin,  George  Clymer,  Jared  Ingersoll, 
Gouverneur  Morris. 

Delaware.  — George  Read,  John  Dickinson,  Jacob  Broom,  Gunning  Bed- 
ford, Jr.,  Richard  Bassett. 

Maryland.  —  James  M' Henry,  Daniel  Carroll,  Daniel  of  St.  Thomas 
Jenifer. 

Virginia. — John  Blair,  James  Madison,  Jr. 

North  Carolina.  —  William  Blount,  Hugh  Williamson,  Richard  Dobbs 
Spaight. 

South  Carolina.  —  John  Rutledge,  Charles  Pinckney,  Charles  Cotesworth 
Pinckney,  Pierce  Butler. 

Georgia.  —  William  Few,  Abraham  Baldwin. 

Attest,  WILLIAM  JACKSON,  Secretary. 


ARTICLES 

In  addition  to,  and  amendment  of,  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Article  I.  —  Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment 
of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof  ;  or  abridging  the 
freedom  of  speech,  or  of  the  press  ;  or  the  right  of  the  people  peaceably 
to  assemble,  and  to  petition  the  government  for  a  redress  of  grievances. 

Article  II.  —  A  well-regulated  militia,  being  necessary  to  the  security 
of  a  free  state,  the  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms,  shall  not  be 
infringed. 

Article  III. — No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace  be  quartered  in  any 
house,  without  the  consent  of  the  owner,  nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a 
manner  to  be  prescribed  by  law. 


356  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

Article  IV. — The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons, 
houses,  papers,  and  effects,  against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures, 
shall  not  be  violated,  and  no  warrants  shall  issue,  but  upon  probable 
cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particularly  describing  the 
place  to  be  searched,  and  the  persons  or  things  to  be  seized. 

Article  V.  — No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital,  or  other- 
wise infamous  crime,  unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  grand 
jury,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the  militia, 
when  in  active  service  in  time  of  war  or  public  danger ;  nor  shall  any 
person  be  subject  for  the  same  offence  to  be  twice  put  in  jeopardy  of  life 
or  limb ;  nor  shall  be  compelled  in  any  criminal  case  to  be  a  witness 
against  himself,  nor  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due 
process  of  law  ;  nor  shall  private  property  be  taken  for  public  use,  with- 
out just  compensation. 

Article  VI.  — In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the 
right  to  a  speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State  and 
district  wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been  committed,  which  district  shall 
have  been  previously  ascertained  by  law,  and  to  be  informed  of  the  nature 
and  cause  of  the  accusation  ;  to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses  against 
him  ;  to  have  compulsory  process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor, 
and  to  have  the  assistance  of  counsel  for  his  defence. 

Article  VII.  —  In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy 
shall  exceed  twenty  dollars,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved, 
and  no  fact  tried  by  a  jury,  shall  be  otherwise  re-examined  in  any  court 
of  the  United  States,  than  according  to  the  rules  of  the  common  law. 

Article  VIII.  —  Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive 
fines  imposed,  nor  cruel  and  unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

Article  IX.  —  The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution,  of  certain  rights, 
shall  not  be  construed  to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the 
people. 

Article  X.  —  The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the 
Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States 
respectively,  or  to  the  people. 

Article  XL — The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be 
construed  to  extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or  prosecuted 
against  one  of  the  United  States  by  citizens  of  another  State,  or  by  citi- 
zens or  subjects  of  any  foreign  state. 

Article  XII.  —  The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and 
vote  by  ballot  for  President  and  Vice  President,  one  of  whom,  at  least, 
shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves  ;  they  shall 
name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  President,  and  in  distinct 


CONSTITUTION   OF   THE   UNITED   STATES.  357 

ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Vice  President,  and  they  shall  make  distinct 
lists  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President,  and  of  all  persons  voted  for  as 
Vice  President,  and  of  the  number  of  votes  for  each,  which  lists  they 
shall  sign  and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate  ;  — The  President 
of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, open  all  the  certificates,  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted  ;  — 
The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  for  President,  shall  be  the 
President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors 
appointed  ;  and  if  no  person  have  such  majority,  then  from  the  per- 
sons having  the  highest  numbers  not  exceeding  three  on  the  list  of  those 
voted  for  as  President,  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  imme- 
diately by  ballot,  the  President.  But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  votes 
shall  be  taken  by  States,  the  representation  from  each  State  having  one 
vote  ;  a  quorum  for  this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members 
from  two  thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be 
necessary  to  a  choice.  And  if  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  not 
choose  a  President  whenever  the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon  them, 
before  the  fourth  day  of  March  next  following,  then  the  Vice  President 
shall  act  as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  the  death  or  other  constitutional 
disability  of  the  President. 

The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  as  Vice  President, 
shall  be  the  Vice  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole 
number  of  electors  appointed,  and  if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then 
from  the  two  highest  numbers  on  the  list,  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice 
President ;  a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two  thirds  of  the 
whole  number  of  senators,  and  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  shall  be 
necessary  to  a  choice. 

But  no  person  constitution  illy  ineligible  to  the  office  of  President  shall 
be  eligible  to  that  of  Vice  President  of  the  United  States. 

Article  XIII. — 1  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except 
as  a  punishment  for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  con- 
victed, shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or  any  place  subject  to  their 
jurisdiction. 

2  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appropriate  leg- 
islation. 

Article  XI V.  ^—  1  All  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United 
States,  and  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United 
States  and  of  the  State  wherein  they  reside.  No  State  shall  make  or  en- 
force any  law  which  shall  abridge  the  privileges  or  immunities  of  citizens 
of  the  United  States  ;  nor  shall  any  State  deprive  any  person  of  life,  lib- 


358  PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 

erty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law,   nor  deny  to  any  person 
within  its  jurisdiction  the  equal  protection  of  the  laws. 

2  Representatives  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  States  accord- 
ing to  their  respective  numbers,  counting  the  whole  number  of  persons 
in  each  State,  excluding  Indians  not  taxed.     But  when  the  right  to  vote 
at  any  election  for  the  choice  of  electors  for  President  and  Vice  President 
of  the  United  States,   representatives  in   Congress,  the   executive  and 
judicial  officers  of  a  State,  or  the  members  of  the  Legislature  thereof,  is 
denied  to  any  of  the  male  inhabitants  of  such  State,  being  twenty-one 
years  of  age,  and  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  way  abridged, 
except  for  participation  in  rebellion  or  other  crime,  the  basis  of  repre- 
sentation therein  shall  be  reduced  in  the  proportion  which  the  number  of 
such  male  citizens  shall  bear  to  the  whole  number  of  male  citizens  twenty- 
one  years  of  age  in  such  State. 

3  No  person   shall  be  a  senator  or  representative   in   Congress,  or 
elector  of  President  or  Vice  President,  or  hold  any  office,  civil  or  mili- 
tary, under  the  United  States,  or  under  any  State,  who,  having  previously 
taken  an  oath,  as  a  member  of  Congress,  or  as  an  officer  of  the  United 
States,  or  as  a  member  of  any  State  Legislature,  or  as  an  executive  or  judi- 
cial officer  of  any  State,  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
shall  have  engaged  in  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  same,  or  given 
aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies  thereof.     But  Congress  may,  by  a  vote  of 
two  thirds  of  each  house,  remove  such  disability. 

4  The  validity  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United  States,  authorized  by 
law,  including  debts  incurred  for  payment  of  pensions  and  bounties  for 
services  in  suppressing  insurrection  or  rebellion,  shall  not  be  questioned. 
But  neither  the  United  States  nor  any  State  shall  assume   or  pay  any 
debt  or  obligation  incurred  in  aid  of  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the 
United  States,  or  any  claim  for  the  loss  or  emancipation  of  any  slave  ; 
but  all  such  debts,  obligations,  and  claims  shall  be  held  illegal  and  void. 

5  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  by  appropriate  legislation 
the  provisions  of  this  article. 

Article  XV.  —  1  The  right  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  to 
vote  shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  any  State  on 
account  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude. 

2  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appropriate 
legislation. 


DECLARATION    OF    INDEPENDENCE. 


IN  CONGRESS,  JULY  4,  1776. 

A   DECLARATION  BY  THE  REPRESENTATIVES   OF   THE   UNITED   STATES   OF 
AMERICA,  IN  CONGRESS  ASSEMBLED. 

When,  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necessary  for  one 
people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have  connected  them  with 
another,  and  to  assume,  among  the  powers  of  the  earth,  the  separate  and 
equal  station  to  which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God  entitle 
them,  a  decent  respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind  requires  that  they 
should  declare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the  separation. 

\Vc  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident :  —  That  all  men  are  created 
equal  ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  unalienable 
rights  ;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 
That,  to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted  among  111011, 
deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed  ;  that,  when- 
ever any  form  of  government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the 
right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  institute  a  new  govern- 
ment, laying  its  foundation  on  such  principles,  and  organizing  its  powers 
in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and 
happiness.  Prudence,  indeed,  will  dictate,  that  governments  long  estab- 
lished should  not  be  changed  for  light  and  transient  causes  ;  and  accord- 
ingly all  experience  hath  shown  that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer 
while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right  themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms 
to  which  they  are  accustomed.  But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and 
usurpations,  pursuing  invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to 
reduce  them  under  absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty,  to 
throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide  new  guards  for  their  future 
security.  Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of  these  Colonies  ;  and 
such  is  now  the  necessity  which  constrains  them  to  alter  their  former 
systems  of  government.  The  history  of  the  present  king  of  Great  Britain 
is  a  history  of  repeated  injuries  and  usurpations,  all  having  in  direct 
object  the  establishment  of  an  absolute  tyranny  over  these  States.  To 
prove  this,  let  facts  be  submitted  to  a  candid  world. 


S60  PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 

He  has  refused  his  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome  and  necessary 
for  the  public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws  of  immediate  and  pressing 
importance,  unless  suspended  in  their  operation  till  his  assent  should  be 
obtained  ;  and  when  so  suspended,  he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to 
them. 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws  for  the  accommodation  of  large  dis- 
tricts of  people,  unless  those  people  would  relinquish  the  right  of  repre- 
sentation in  the  legislature,  — aright  inestimable  to  them,  and  formidable 
to  tyrants  only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual,  uncomfort- 
able, and  distant  from  the  depository  of  their  public  records,  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  fatiguing  them  into  compliance  with  his  measures. 

He  has  dissolved  representative  houses  repeatedly,  for  opposing,  with 
manly  firmness,  his  invasions  on  the  rights  of  the  people. 

He  has  refused,  for  a  long  time  after  such  dissolutions,  to  cause  others 
to  be  elected ;  whereby  the  legislative  powers,  incapable  of  annihilation, 
have  returned  to  the  people  at  large,  for  their  exercise,  the  State  remain- 
ing, in  the  mean  time,  exposed  to  all  the  dangers  of  invasion  from  with- 
out, and  convulsions  within. 

He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these  States ;  for  that 
purpose,  obstructing  the  laws  for  naturalization  of  foreigners,  refusing  to 
pass  others  to  encourage  their  migration  hither,  and  raising  the  conditions 
of  new  appropriations  of  lands. 

He  has  obstructed  the  administration  of  justice,  by  refusing  his  assent 
to  laws  for  establishing  judiciary  powers. 

He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his  will  alone  for  the  tenure  of  their 
offices,  and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their  salaries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  and  sent  hither  swarms  of 
officers,  to  harass  our  people,  and  eat  out  their  substance. 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  standing  armies,  without  the 
consent  of  our  legislatures. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  independent  of,  and  superior  to, 
the  civil  power. 

He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign  to 
our  constitution,  and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws  ;  giving  his  assent  to 
their  acts  of  pretended  legislation,  — 

For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us : 

For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  trial,  from  punishment  for  any  mur- 
ders which  they  should  commit  on  the  inhabitants  of  these  States : 

For  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world : 


DECLARATION  OF   INDEPENDENCE.  361 

For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  consent : 

For  depriving  us,  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  trial  by  jury  : 

For  transporting  us  beyond  seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended  offences  : 

For  abolishing  the  free  system  of  English  laws  in  a  neighboring  prov- 
ince, establishing  therein  an  arbitrary  government,  and  enlarging  its 
boundaries,  so  as  to  render  it  at  once  an  example  and  fit  instrument 
for  introducing  the  same  absolute  rule  into  these  Colonies : 

For  taking  away  our  charters,  abolishing  our  most  valuable  laws,  and 
altering,  fundamentally,  the  forms  of  our  governments  : 

For  suspending  our  own  legislatures,  and  declaring  themselves  invested 
with  power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

He  has  abdicated  government  here,  by  declaring  us  out  of  his  protec- 
tion, and  waging  war  against  us. 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt  our  towns,  and 
destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

He  is,  at  this  time,  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign  mercenaries,  to 
complete  the  works  of  death,  desolation,  and  tyranny,  already  begun  with 
circumstances  of  cruelty  and  perfidy  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  bar- 
barous ages,  and  totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens,  taken  captive  on  the  high  seas, 
to  bear  arms  against  their  country,  to  become  the  executioners  of  their 
friends  and  brethren,  or  to  fall  themselves  by  their  hands. 

He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  against  us,  and  has  endeavored 
to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers  the  merciless  Indian  savages, 
whose  known  rule  of  warfare  is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all  ages, 
sexes,  and  conditions. 

In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions  we  have  petitioned  for  redress  in 
the  most  humble  terms;  our  repeated  petitions  have  been  answered  only 
by  repeated  injury.  A  prince,  whose  character  is  thus  marked  by  every 
act  which  may  define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free  people. 

Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attention  to  our  British  brethren.  We 
have  warned  them,  from  time  to  time,  of  attempts  by  their  legislature  to 
extend  an  unwarrantable  jurisdiction  over  us.  We  have  reminded  them 
of  the  circumstances  of  our  emigration  and  settlement  here.  We  have 
appealed  to  their  native  justice  and  magnanimity  ;  and  we  have  conjured 
them,  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred,  to  disavow  these  usurpations, 
which  would  inevitably  interrupt  our  cr-nnectians  and  correspondence. 
They,  too,  have  been  deaf  to  the  V(KC£  of  justice  and  of  consanguinity. 
We  must,  therefore,  acquiesce  in  the  necessity  which  denounces  our  sep- 
aration, and  hold  them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  enemies  in  war, 
in  peace  friends. 


362 


PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP 


We,  therefore,  the  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in 
General  Congress  assembled,  appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world 
for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions,  do,  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority 
of  the  good  people  of  these  Colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare,  That 
these  United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent 
States ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown, 
and  that  all  political  connection  between  them  and  the  state  of  Great 
Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved  ;  and  that,  as  free  and  inde- 
pendent States,  they  have  full  power  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  con- 
tract alliances,  establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  acts  and  things 
which  independent  states  may  of  right  do.  And,  for  the  support  of  this 
declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence, 
we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred 
honor. 


NEW   HAMPSHIRE. 

Josiah  Bartlett, 
William  Whipple, 
Matthew  Thornton. 

MASSACHUSETTS   BAT. 

Samuel  Adams, 
John  Adams, 
Robert  Treat  Paine, 
Elbridge  Gerry, 
John  Hart, 
Abraham  Clark. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Robert  Morris, 
Benjamin  Rush, 
Benjamin  Franklin, 
John  Morton, 
George  Clymer, 
James  Smith, 
George  Taylor, 
James  Wilson, 
George  Ross. 

DELAWARE. 

Caesar  Rodney, 


JOHN  HANCOCK. 

George  Read, 
Thomas  M'Kean. 

RHODE   ISLAND. 

Stephen  Hopkins, 
William  Ellery. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Roger  Sherman, 
Samuel  Huntington, 
William  Williams, 
Oliver  Wolcott. 

MARYLAND. 

Samuel  Chase, 

William  Paca, 

Thomas  Stone, 

Charles  Carroll,  of  Carollton. 

VIRGINIA. 

George  Wythe, 
Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Thomas  Jefferson, 
Benjamin  Harrison, 
Thomas  Nelson,  Jr., 
Francis  I^gljtfoot  Lee, 
Carter  Braxton. 


NEW  YORK. 

William  Floyd, 
Philip  Livingston, 
Francis  Lewis, 
Lewis  Morris. 


NEW   JERSEY. 

Richard  Stockton, 
John  Witherspoon, 
Francis  Hopkinson. 

NORTH   CAROLINA. 

William  Hooper, 
Joseph  Hewes, 
John  Penn. 

SOUTH   CAROLINA. 

Edward  Rutledge, 
Thomas  Heyward,  Jr. 
Thomas  Lynch,  Jr., 
Arthur  Middleton. 


Button  Gwinnett, 
Lyman  Hall, 
George  Walton. 


INDEX  OF  AUTHORS  QUOTED. 


Abbott,  Lyman,  142,  295. 
Adams,  Herbert  B.,  55. 
Adams,  John,  112. 
Adams,  John  Quincy,  111. 
Adams,  Samuel,  94,  LT>:;. 
Addison,  Joseph,  24,  298. 
Aldrich,  Thomas  Bailey,  269. 
Ames,  Fisher,  19,  29,  115. 
Andrews,  E.  Benjamin,  303. 
Anonymous,  41,  40,  50,  I'i3,  226,  3 
Aquinas,  Thomas,  241. 
Aristotle,  11,  132,  139,  150,  337. 
Armstrong,  Samuel  C.,  71,  203. 
Athanasius,  iM.".. 
Atkinson,  Edward,  149. 

Backus,  Isaac,  24(5. 

Bacon,  Leonard,  86. 

Bailey,  Philip  James,  214,  260. 

Bancroft,  George,  105,  122,  141, 

250,  251,  252. 
Bard,  Mil  ford,  222. 
Bascom,  John,  294. 
Bayard,  James  A.,  163. 
Beach,  William  A.,  134. 
Beecher,  Henry   Ward,  48,   176, 

199,  223. 

Beecher,  Lyman,  76. 
Bentham,  Jeremy,  153. 
Berkeley,  George,  322. 
Binney,  Horace,  137. 
Black,  Jeremiah  S.,  116. 


Blackstone,  William,  139,  209,  287. 

Elaine,  James  G.,  106. 

Block,  Maurice,  210. 

Bluntschli,  Johann    K.,  91,   144,  212, 

287. 

Blyden,  E.  W.,  195. 
Boardman,  George  Dana,  59. 
Boardman,  Henry  A.,  27. 
Boker,  George  H.,  201. 
Bout  well,  George  S.,  177. 
Breckenridge,  John  C.,  233. 
Brewer,  David  J.,  234. 
Brockett,  Joshua  A.,  203. 
Brook,  Benjamin,  216,  245. 
Brooks,  Charles,  343. 
Brooks,  Phillips,  268. 
Brooks,  Walter  H.,  190. 
Brougham,  Lord,  337. 
Brown,  T.  Edwin,  161,  323. 
146,    Brownson,  Orestes  A.,  22. 

Bryant,  William  Cullen,  114,  131, 178, 

236,  343. 
Bryce,  James,  67,  78, 128,  129,  131,  142, 

247,  248,  281,  285,  289,  291. 
Buchan,  A.  P.,  241. 
180,    Buckle,  Thomas  H.,  105. 
Bunce,  Oliver,  133. 

Burke,  Edmund,  15,  154,  210,  280,  333. 
Burrell,  David  J.,  283. 
Bushee,  Charles  M.,  186. 
Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  29. 
Butler,  William  Allen,  265. 
363 


364 


PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 


Butterworth,  Benjamin,  320. 
Butterworth,  Hezekiah,  54. 
Byron,  Lord,  182,  243. 

Calhoun,  John  C.,  136,  140, 169. 

Calvert,  George  H.,  211. 

Campbell,  Douglas,  80,  89,  131,   146, 

248,  284. 

Canfield,  James  H.,  89. 
Carlyle,  Thomas,  86,  215,  305,  307. 
Carnegie,  Andrew,  321. 
Carroll,  Henry  K.,  347. 
Carter,  Franklin,  31. 
Carter,  James  C.,  156,  220. 
Cary,  Edward,  280. 
Cass,  Lewis,  332. 
Channing,  William  E.,  196,  303. 
Chapin,  Edwin  H.,  326. 
Charter  of  Rhode  Island,  251. 
Chetlain,  Augustus  L.,  42. 
Choate,  Rufus,  44,  75,  85,  117,  123,  129. 
Cicero,  155,  277. 
Clampitt,  John  W.,  99,  141. 
Clay,  Henry,  16,  24,  168,  197,  291. 
Cleveland,  Grover,  303. 
Colby,  James  F.,  276. 
Colfax,  Schuyler,  182. 
Comegys,  Benjamin  B.,  325. 
Concilio,  J.  de,  216. 
Constitution,  French,  209. 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  133, 

251,  273,  345-358. 
Continental  Congress,  112. 
Con  way,  John,  23. 
Cook,  Eliza,  17,  34,  67. 
Cook,  Increase,  20. 
Cooley,  Thomas  M.,  241,  247,  273. 
Coquelin,  Charles,  317. 
Cowper,  William,  208,  213,  276. 
Crawford,  F.  Marion,  41. 
Crevecoeur  J.  H.  St.  John  de,  265. 
Curran,  John  Philpot,  228. 
Curry,  J.  L.  M.,  254. 
Curtis,  George  W.,  21,  26,  97,  232,  283. 
Gushing,  Caleb,  329. 


Cuyler,  Theodore,  L.,  314. 

Dahn,  Felix,  155. 

Dana,  Charles  A.,  159,  225,  232,  278. 

Dana,  Richard  H.,  Jr.,  172. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  170. 

Dawes,  Henry  L.,  69. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  108, 109, 

359-362. 

Demosthenes,  153. 
Depew,  Chauncey  M.,  80,  86. 
Dewey,  Orville,  151. 
Dickinson,  Daniel  S.,  45,  168,  170. 
Dix,  John  A.,  45,  334. 
Dougherty,  Daniel,  229. 
Douglass,  Frederick,  198,  202,  206. 
Drake,  Joseph  R.,  49. 
Draper,  Andrew  S.,  330. 
Draper,  John  W.,  313. 
Duclos,  Charles  P.,  273. 
Duponceau,  Peter  S.,  66. 

Eaton,  Dorman  B.,  292. 

Eaton,  John,  340. 

Edwards,  Richard,  32. 

Eggleston,  Edward,  61,  66,  99,  193. 

Eliot,  Charles  W.,  231. 

Ely,  Richard  T.,  161. 

Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo,  140,  174,  179, 

192,  218,  320. 

Erskine,  Thomas,  228,  245. 
Evarts,  William  M.,  27,  104,  109,  147, 

178. 
Everett,  Edward,  33,  38, 84, 107. 

Fairbairn,  A.M.,  93,  230,  239,  242,  243. 

Fallows,  Samuel,  16, 

Field,  David  Dudley,  128,  147,  252. 

Fisher,  George  P.,  25. 

Fiske,  John,  (53,  96,  98,  278. 

Fleming,  William  H.,  197. 

Foraker,  James  B.,  180. 

Foster,  Charles,  170. 

Fowler,  Charles  H.,  212. 

Fox,  Charles  J.,  113. 


INDEX  OF  AUTHORS  QUOTED. 


365 


French  Constitution,  209. 
Froude,  James  A.,  139,  155,  221. 
Furness,  William  E.,  103. 

Garfield,  James  A.,  152,  317. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  198,  217. 

Gaston,  William,  239,  24<i. 

Gates,  Merrill  E.,  300. 

Geikie,  Cunningham,  305. 

George,  Henry,  318. 

Gibbons,  James,  107,  238,  286. 

Gilder,  Kit-hard  W.,  16G,  176. 

Giles,  Henry,  '_'%. 

Gilman,  Daniel  C.,  90. 

Gladstone,  William  E.,  135,  140,  258, 

317. 

Godkin,  Edwin  L.,  232,  307. 
Goethe,  Johann  W.  von,  142. 
Goldsmith,  Oliver,  15,304. 
Goodale,  Dora  Read,  244. 
Gordon,  John  B.,  183. 
Gorst,  John  E.,  313. 
Grady,  Henry  W.,  185,  200,  336. 
Grant,  Ulysses  S.,  157,  173,  331. 
Gray,  W.  C.,  230. 
Greeley,  Horace,  225,  323. 
Greely,  Adolphus  W.,  42. 
Green,  George  W.,  270. 
Green,  John  R.,  103. 
Gregg,  David,  182,  270. 
Griflis,  William  E.,  2151. 
Grow,  Galusha  A.,  42,  157. 
(JnrnllM-r.  Richard,  270. 
Guyot,  Yves,  307. 

Habberton,  John,  278. 

Hale,  Edward  Everett,  58,  330. 

Hale,  Matthew,  155. 

Halleck,  Fitz-Greene,  1(5. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  143,  305. 

Hainlin,  Hannibal,  106. 

Hampton,  Wade,  310. 

Hancock,  John,  18. 

Harris,  William  T.,  228,  312,  331,  338. 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  21,  43,  152,  287. 


Harrison,  Carter  H.,  23. 

Hawley,  Joseph  R.,  294. 

Hay,  John,  236. 

Haygood,  Atticus  G.,  172,  195. 

Hayue,  Robert  Y.,  S8. 

Hazard,  Caroline,  6. 

Headley,  Joel  T.,  42. 

Hemans,  Felicia  D.,  82,  256,  337. 

Henry,  Patrick,  112. 

Herbert,  Hilary  A.,  172. 

Hewitt,  Abram  S.,  43. 

Hiuuiiison,  Thomas  W.,  250. 

Hillard,  George  S.,  93,  160. 

Hoar,  George  F.,  34. 

Hobson,  John  A.,  317. 

Hoffman,  Frank  S.,  138,  140,  158,  160, 

335. 

Holden,  William  W.,  28. 
Holland,  Josiah  G.,  304. 
Holmes,  Oliver  Wendell,  36, 40, 126, 344. 
Holt,  Joseph,  40. 
Holyoake,  George  J.,  3L'4. 
Hooker,  Elizabeth  Beecher,  77. 
Hooker,  Richard,  155. 
Hopkins,  John  B.,  233. 
Hopkins,  Stephen,  77. 
Houghton,  George  W.  W.,  60. 
Howell,  George,  308. 
Hoyt,  Way  land,  340. 
Hunt,  Theodore  W.,  215. 
Hutchins,  Waldo,  83,  104. 
Huxley,  Thomas  H.,  339. 

Ireland,  John,  311,  323. 
Irving,  Washington,  56. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  130. 

Jackson,  Helen  Hunt,  206. 

James,  Edmund  J.,  304. 

Jay,  John,  l<Ki. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  143,  152,  211,  221, 

223,  227,  253,  289. 
Johnson,  Rossiter,  181. 

Kent,  James,  129,  232. 


366 


PATRIOTIC   CITIZENSHIP. 


King,  Charles,  149. 
King,  James  M.,  241. 
King,  T.  Starr,  18. 
Kossuth,  Louis,  79. 

Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  194. 

Lamar,  L.  Q.  C.,  194. 

Lansing,  Isaac  J.,  221. 

Larcom,  Lucy,  48. 

Lasker,  Raphael,  22. 

Lea,  Henry  C.,  158. 

Lee,  Henry,  116. 

Lee,  Richard  H.,  95. 

Leo  XIII.,  325. 

Lieber,  Francis,  90,  148,  162,  212,  224, 

225,  241,  308. 
Lincoln,  Abraham,  130,  151,  157,  167, 

177,  185,  187. 
Linen,  James,  244. 
Linton,  William  J.,  309. 
Lippard,  George,  106. 
Livingstone,  David,  191. 
Lodge,  Henry  Cabot,  21,  87,  118,  119. 
Longfellow,  Henry  W.,  164,  193,  306, 

324. 

Loring,  George  B.,  92. 
Lossing,  Benson  J.,  56. 
Lounsbury,  Phineas  C.,  205. 
Low,  Seth,  218. 
Lowell,  A.  Lawrence,  135. 
Lowell,  James  Russell,  23,  52,  85,  152, 

215,  222,  228,  305,  321. 
Lunt,  William  P.,  260. 

Mac  Arthur,  Robert  S.,  182,  202. 
Macaulay,  Thomas  B.,  246,  297. 
MacCarthy,  Denis  F.,  314. 
Maccunn,  John,  299. 
Mac  Vicar,  Malcolm,  204. 
Madison,  James,  253. 
Maine,  Henry  S.,  157. 
Mann,  Horace,*  88,  90,  194. 
Mansfield,  Lord,  242. 
Marion,  Francis,  81. 
Marshall,  John,  115. 


Mason,  Edwin  C.,  163. 
Mason,  George,  196. 
Mason,  Jonathan,  19. 
Matthews,  Stanley,  171,  188. 
Maxcy,  Jonathan,  119. 
Mayflower  Compact,  83. 
McClellan,  George  B.,  87. 
McKelway,  St.  Clair,  196. 
McKinley,  William,  DO,  289. 
McLane,L.,292. 
McMaster,  John  Bach,  120. 
Means,  D.  McG.,  308,  319. 
Mill,  John  Stuart,  140,  149,  211,  223. 
Miller,  Samuel  F.,  132,  155,  171. 
Miller,  W.  H.  H.,  283. 
Milton,  John,  50,  214,  226. 
Minto,  William,  25. 
Mitchell,  Charles  E.,  312. 
Moffatt,  Robert  S.,  319. 
Moragne,  William  C.,  82. 
Morehouse,  Henry  L.,  204,  263. 
Morey,  Henry  L.,  144. 
Morgan,  Thomas  J.,  72,  235. 
Morton,  Levi  P.,  124,  157. 
Morton,  Oliver  P.,  129. 
Motley,  John  Lothrop,  168. 
Moulton,  Louise  C.,  102,  107. 
Mowry,  William  A.,  28. 
Mulford,  Elisha,  213,  268. 
Murdock,  James  E.,  171. 

Niles,  Hezekiah,  25. 
Northrup,  Birdseye  G.,  314. 

O'Connor,  Joseph,  58. 
Ordinance  of  1787,  328. 
O'Reilly,  John  Boyle,  74. 
Ostrander,  James  S.,  38. 

Palgrave,  Francis  T.,  118. 
Parkhurst,  Charles  H.,  86. 
Passy,  Hippo!  yte,  137. 
Peabody,  William  J.,  14,  28. 
Perry,  Arthur  L.,  137. 
Phillips,  Wendell,  18. 


INDEX  OF  AUTHORS  QUOTED. 


367 


Phisterer,  Frederick,  170. 
Pickard,  Josiah  L.,  340. 
Pierpont,  John,  272. 
Pike,  Mauley  H.,  188. 
Plato,  title  page. 
Platt,  Orville  H.,  277. 
Pope,  Alexander,  303. 
Porter,  Horace,  30. 
Porter,  John  K.,  127. 
P.»rter,  Noah,  299. 
Potter,  Alonzo,  254. 
Powderly,  Terence  V.,  310. 
Preble,  George  H.,  GO,  184. 
Price,  J.  C.,  193. 

Quinton,  Amelia  S.,  70. 

Kankin,  Jeremiah  E.,  45. 
Ransom,  Matthew  W.,  33,  297. 
Kawlinson,  George,  '_'ii'J. 
Raymond,  A.  V.  V.,  274. 
Raymond,  B.  P.,  309. 
Red  Jacket,  G3. 
Reid,  Whitelaw,  288. 
Rid  path,  John  C.,  246,  331,  332. 
Robinson,  Ezekiel  G.,  223,  242,  280. 
Rollins,  Alice  M.  AV.,  220. 
Roosevelt,  Theodore,  206,  293. 
Rumbold,  Richard,  290. 
Russell,  John,  289. 

Salisbury,  Marquis  of,  135. 

Saxe,  John  G.,  261. 

S.-haff,  Philip,  239,  245,  247,  249.  252. 

334. 

Schofield,  John  M.,  162. 
Srhurz,  Carl,  110,  178. 
Sn.tt.  Walter,  25. 
Scott,  William  A.,  307. 
Seelye,  Elizabeth  Eggleston,  54. 
Seelye,  Julius  H.,  218,  240,  281. 
Senner,  Joseph  H.,  268. 
Seward,  William  H.,  187,  338. 
Seymour,  Horatio,  97. 
Shakspeare,  William,  15,  312. 
Shaw,  Albert,  154,  101,  306. 


Shelley,  Percy  Bysshe,  219. 

Sheridan,  George  A.,  188. 

Sherman,  John,  27,  106,  180. 

Sherman,  William  T.,  17,  45,  128. 

Sidgwick,  Henry,  209. 

Sigourney,  Lydia  H.,  62. 

Simon,  Jules,  143. 

Simpson,  Matthew,  174,  177. 

Small  and  Vincent,  336. 

Smith,  Gerrit.  223. 

Smith,  Gold  win,  59,  248,  316,  318,  321. 

Smith,  Samuel  F.,  183. 

Solomon,  Proverbs  of,  213. 

Sparks,  Jaivd,  <!5,  112,  116. 

Speed,  James,  174. 

Spencer,   Herbert,  137,  150,  214,  263, 

309. 

Spofford,  A  ins  worth  R.,  284,  286. 
Spofford,  Harriet  Prescott,  44. 
Sprague,  Charles,  76. 
Sprague,  Homer  B.,  274. 
Stael,  Madame  de,  216. 
Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  199. 
Statutes,  U.  S.,  Revised,  267. 
Stead,  William  T.,  225. 
Sterne,  Laurence,  243. 
Sterne,  Simon,  143. 
Stevens,  Thaddeus,  159. 
Storrs,  Richard  S.,  242. 
Story,  Joseph,  65,  224,  245,  250,  299. 
Strong,  Josiah,  79,  200. 
Strong,  William,  276. 
Sunnier,  Charles,  17,  39,  234. 
Sunnier,  William  G.,  320. 
Sutherland,  George  E.,  199. 
Swinton,  John,  204. 

Talmage,  T.  DeWitt,  161. 
Taylor,  Bayard,  262. 
Taylor,  Robert  S.,  311. 
Tertullian,  24:;. 
Thiers,  Louis  A.,  224,  319. 
Thompson,  Maurice,  175. 
Tocqueville,  Alexis  C.  H.  C.  de,  87, 
145,  227. 


368 


PATRIOTIC    CITIZENSHIP. 


Toynbee,  Arnold,  325. 
Tracy,  Benjamin  F.,  136,  148. 
True,  M.  B.  C.,  100,  279. 
Tucker,  John  R.,  290. 
Tuthill,  Richard  S.,  162. 

United  States  Revised  Statutes,  267. 
Upham,  Charles  W.,  116. 

Van  Dyke,  J.  H.,  93. 
Vedder,  Henry  C.,  240. 
Vergil,  24. 

Vincent  and  Small,  336. 
Vincent,  John  H.,  342. 

Waite,  Henry  M.,  252. 
Walker,  Francis  A.,  259. 
Walworth,  Reuben  H.,  229. 
Ward,  Mrs.  Humphry,  312. 
Ward,  William  Hayes,  205,  264. 
Warner,  Charles  Dudley,  159,  273. 
Warren,  Joseph,  20. 
Washington,  Bushrod,  275. 
Washington,  George,  124, 167, 233,  241, 

295, 331,  333. 
Waterbury,  S.  L.,  40. 
Watterson,  Henry,  185. 
Wayland,  Francis,  281. 
Wayland,  H.  L.,  152. 


Webster,  Daniel,  26,  81,  92,  123,  136, 

141,  144,  169,  254,  298,  313. 
Webster,  Noah,  15. 
Wells,  David  A.,  159,  279. 
Welsh,  Herbert,  70,  293. 
Wheaton,  Henry,  19. 
Whipple,  Edwin  P.,  210. 
Whipple,  Henry  B.,  335. 
Whittier,  John  G.,  266,  285,  300,  326, 

335. 

Wilkes,  John,  114. 
Williams,  George  W.,  192. 
Williams,  Roger,  245. 
Wilson,  James,  95. 
Wilson,  James  Grant,  53. 
Wilson,  William  L.,  296. 
Wines,  Fred  H.,  160. 
Winship,  Albert  E.,  32. 
Winslow,  Edward,  81. 
Winthrop,  Robert  C.,  47,  97,  121,  234, 

334. 

Withington,  H.,  219. 
Wolf,  Edmund  J.,  265. 
Woodberry,  George  E.,  30. 
Woodford,  Stewart  L.,  300. 
Woolsey,  Theodore  D.,  78. 
Wordsworth,  William,  221. 
Wright,  Carroll  D.,  311. 


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